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2021.07.27 國際新聞導讀-美國計畫於本年底自伊拉克完全撤軍、約旦不同意收容巴勒斯坦人而支持在其自己家園建國、巴勒斯坦法塔內部權力換代、以色列的激進種族主義帶來威脅

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2021.07.27 國際新聞導讀-美國計畫於本年底自伊拉克完全撤軍、約旦不同意收容巴勒斯坦人而支持在其自己家園建國、巴勒斯坦法塔內部權力換代、以色列的激進種族主義帶來威脅

拜登和伊拉克總理討論結束美國在伊拉克的作戰任務

美國總統拜登歡迎伊拉克總理穆斯塔法·卡迪米到白宮商討結束美國在伊拉克的作戰任務。

通過OMRI納米亞斯,路透

2021 年 7 月 27 日 00:15

2020 年 8 月 23 日,在伊拉克巴格達以北的基地舉行的塔吉軍事基地從美國領導的聯軍部隊移交給伊拉克安全部隊的移交儀式上,可以看到美國士兵。

(圖片來源:THAIER AL-SUDANI/REUTERS)

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美國總統喬·拜登和伊拉克總理穆斯塔法·卡迪米週一簽署了一項協議,正式在 2021 年底前結束美國在伊拉克的作戰任務,這是在美軍被派往該國超過 18 年之後。

再加上拜登在 8 月底前撤出了駐阿富汗的最後一批美軍,這位民主黨總統正在完成美國在時任總統喬治·W·布什 (George W. Bush) 領導下開始的兩場戰爭中的作戰任務。

作為美國和伊拉克戰略對話的一部分,拜登和卡迪米在橢圓形辦公室會面,進行了首次面對面會談。

“我們在伊拉克的角色將是……隨時待命,繼續訓練、協助、幫助和應對出現的伊斯蘭國,但到今年年底,我們不會在一次戰鬥任務,”拜登在和卡迪米會面時告訴記者。

HARITH HASAN 是 Malcolm H. Kerr 卡內基中東中心的非常駐高級研究員,他的研究重點是伊拉克。他告訴耶路撒冷郵報,會議的主要問題是美軍在該國的存在。

他說:“哈迪米正面臨來自與伊朗結盟的什葉派派系和民兵越來越大的壓力,要求其執行議會一項不具約束力的決定,以結束美軍的存在。” “他正試圖達成一個既滿足這些群體又不失去美國支持的方案。”

哈桑說,會議的可能結果將是宣布從伊拉克重新部署美國作戰部隊,也許有一個時間表,“強調以美國為首的反伊斯蘭國聯盟的使命已經完全轉向訓練伊拉克軍隊和提供諮詢服務。角色。

“如果聲明包括明確的語言和完成撤軍的日期,卡迪米可以藉此向民兵和伊朗人施加更大壓力,以阻止對駐有美軍的軍事基地的襲擊,”他補充說。

卡迪米是拜登上任以來首批訪問白宮的外國領導人之一。哈桑說:“這表明美國政府——其中包括幾位親自認識卡迪米的官員——有興趣證明它支持總理並希望幫助他。”

“他在去年 7 月特朗普執政時訪問了白宮,當時人們對卡迪米可以做些什麼來減少伊朗在該國的影響力和麵對準軍事人員的期望要高得多,”他說。

“現在,期望值降低了,拜登政府對卡迪米麵臨的挑戰表現出更多的理解。”

哈桑指出,拜登對伊拉克很熟悉,因為他在奧巴馬政府擔任副總統時負責伊拉克政策。

“幾乎每個人都在關注的主要問題是美國和伊拉克的軍事地位——而對話的進展似乎是兩國可能會宣布,到今年年底,美國和伊拉克的作戰任務將美國已經結束,那些作戰部隊將撤出,”美國和平研究所中東項目主任薩杭哈馬西德告訴郵報。

“然而,細節決定成敗,”他說。“有跡象表明,就人數而言,部隊的存在不會改變。這些部隊的職能將發生變化,更多地關注訓練、建議和情報共享以及對伊拉克部隊的支持。

“給美國的建議是不要重複 2011 年的經驗——在戰鬥任務結束後不要撤出所有部隊,因為這樣的撤出可能導致伊拉克安全部隊沒有做好準備,因此無法完成任務,”哈馬西德說。

“通常,軍事撤出會伴隨著政治脫離或政治參與的減少,這為伊朗、土耳其和其他地區的參與者創造了空間和真空來填補這個空間——這將導致伊拉克的進一步不穩定,並可能導致局勢逆轉。對伊斯蘭國的軍事收益,”他說。

“在我看來,美國並不急於從伊拉克撤軍,而是在處理複雜的局勢,”該項目負責人說。“它希望保留軍隊以支持伊拉克安全部隊並繼續打擊伊斯蘭國——以及美國在那裡的持續存在。”

談到訪問的早期時間,哈馬西德說,“鑑於本屆政府在國內和世界舞台上處理的複雜問題,這次總理的訪問——並且是中東的早期領導人之一進入白宮——確實表明拜登政府特別重視中東和伊拉克。

“這不僅僅是這屆政府,”他指出。“上屆政府也在去年 8 月接見了總理——正是在這場大流行期間。所以我認為美國正試圖繼續表明[與]伊拉克的關係很重要。”

Biden and Iraqi PM to discuss ending US combat mission in the country

US President Joe Biden welcomed Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa Al-Kadhimi to the White House to discuss the ending of the US's combat mission in Iraq.

By OMRI NAHMIAS, REUTERS

JULY 27, 2021 00:15

U.S. soldiers are seen during a handover ceremony of Taji military base from US-led coalition troops to Iraqi security forces, in the base north of Baghdad, Iraq August 23, 2020.

(photo credit: THAIER AL-SUDANI/REUTERS)

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US President Joe Biden and Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi on Monday sealed an agreement formally ending the US combat mission in Iraq by the end of 2021, more than 18 years after US troops were sent to the country.

Coupled with Biden's withdrawal of the last American forces in Afghanistan by the end of August, the Democratic president is completing US combat missions in the two wars that then-President George W. Bush began under his watch.

Biden and Kadhimi met in the Oval Office for their first face-to-face talks as part of a strategic dialogue between the United States and Iraq.

"Our role in Iraq will be … to be available, to continue to train, to assist, to help and to deal with ISIS as it arises, but we’re not going to be, by the end of the year, in a combat mission," Biden told reporters as he and Kadhimi met.

HARITH HASAN is a nonresident senior fellow at the Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center, where his research focuses on Iraq. He told The Jerusalem Post that the main issue in the meeting is the presence of US troops in the country.

“Khadimi is facing increasing pressure from Shia factions and militias allied with Iran to implement a non-binding decision by the parliament to end the presence of US troops,” he said. “He is trying to reach a formula that satisfies these groups without losing US support.”

Hasan said that the likely outcome of the meeting will be an announcement to redeploy US combat troops from Iraq, perhaps with a timeline, “emphasizing that the mission of the US-led anti-ISIS coalition has shifted exclusively toward training of Iraqi troops and advisory roles.

“If the announcement includes clear language and a date for the completion of withdrawal, Khadimi can use this to place more pressure on the militias – and the Iranians – to stop attacks on military bases that host US troops,” he added.

Kadhimi is one of the first foreign leaders to visit the White House since Biden took office. “It shows that the US administration – which includes several officials who knew Khadimi in person – is interested in demonstrating that it supports the premier and wants to help him,” Hasan said.

“He visited the White House last July when Trump was in power, when the expectations were much higher about what Khadimi could do to reduce Iranian influence in the country and face paramilitaries,” he said.

“Now, the expectations are lower, and the Biden administration is showing more understanding for the challenges Khadimi is facing.”

Hasan noted that Biden is familiar with Iraq, since he was in charge of Iraqi policy when he was vice president in the Obama administration.

“THE PRIMARY issue that pretty much everybody is looking at is the military status of the United States and Iraq – and where the conversation seems to be going is that both countries would likely announce that by the end of this year, the combat mission of the US is already over and those combat troops will withdraw,” US Institute of Peace’s director of Middle East Programs Sarhang Hamasaeed told the Post.

“However, the devil is in the details,” he said. “The indications are that the troop presence in terms of the numbers would not change. It will be the functions of those troops that will change to focus more on training, advice and intelligence sharing and support for Iraqi forces.

“The advice to the United States has been to not repeat the experience of 2011 – to not withdraw all troops after a combat mission is over because such a withdrawal may result in Iraqi security forces that are not ready and therefore cannot complete the mission,” Hamasaeed said.

“Usually, military withdrawal would be seen with political disengagement or reduction of political engagement, which creates space and vacuum for regional actors like Iran, Turkey and others to come and fill that space – which would lead to further instability in Iraq and possibly the reversal of the military gains against ISIS,” he said.

“In my view, the US is not in a rush to withdraw from Iraq, but it is dealing with a complicated situation,” the program director said. “It wants to maintain troops to support the Iraqi security forces and continue to fight against ISIS – and also a continued US presence there.”

Speaking about the early timing of the visit, Hamasaeed said that “given the complex issues that this administration is dealing with domestically and on the world stage, the visit of the prime minister this time – and being one of the early leaders from the Middle East coming to be received in the White House – does signal that the Biden administration has placed importance on the Middle East and Iraq in particular.

“And this is not just this administration,” he pointed out. “The last administration also received the prime minister last August – it was during this pandemic. So I think the United States is trying to continue signaling that [the relationship with] Iraq is important.”

約旦不能成為兩國解決方案中的巴勒斯坦家園 - 阿卜杜拉國王

“巴勒斯坦人不想待在約旦,”阿卜杜拉說。“他們想要他們的土地,他們想要他們的足球隊。他們想要他們的旗幟在他們的房子上空飄揚。”

作者:托瓦·拉扎羅夫

2021 年 7 月 26 日 19:57

約旦國王阿布杜拉二世五月在安曼的一次會議上聆聽。

(照片來源:ALEX BRANDON/POOL VIA REUTERS)

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約旦不能成為巴勒斯坦人的國家 ,哈希姆王國的君主阿卜杜拉二世國王在周日播出的一次採訪中告訴美國有線電視新聞網的法里德扎卡里亞,當時他在華盛頓。

“約旦就是約旦,”阿卜杜拉在回答有關以色列右翼提議通過將約旦轉變為巴勒斯坦家園來解決以巴衝突的問題時說。鑑於大多數約旦人是巴勒斯坦人,這種情況對以色列右翼來說似乎是合理的。

然而,阿卜杜拉堅決否定了這個想法,將他的國家描述為一個“來自不同種族和宗教背景的混合社會”。

“巴勒斯坦人不想待在約旦,”阿卜杜拉說。“他們想要他們的土地,他們想要他們的足球隊。他們希望他們的旗幟飄揚在他們的房屋上方。”

在整個採訪中,他強調了兩國解決方案對以巴衝突的重要性。約旦對該計劃的願景是基於 1967 年之前的線建立兩個國家,其中東耶路撒冷和整個西岸將在巴勒斯坦國的最終邊界內。

拜登政府也支持兩國解決方案,但一直專注於保留此類計劃的選擇權,而沒有採取任何必要的直接談判舉措來實現該選擇權。阿卜杜拉說,重要的是不要放棄兩國解決方案,並警告說唯一的其他選擇是一國解決方案。

“如果我們不談論兩國解決方案,我們是否在談論一個國家解決方案?” 阿卜杜拉問扎卡里亞。“它會公平、透明和民主嗎?我認為一國解決方案對那些推動這一理論的以色列人來說更具挑戰性,”阿卜杜拉說。

在那種情況下,他問道:“你打算怎麼做。你是否要把所有巴勒斯坦人趕出他們在西岸的家園,並在另一邊(約旦)製造不穩定?”

他提到了他上週一在白宮與美國總統喬拜登的會面。他是第一位與拜登面對面坐下來的中東領導人,拜登自一月以來一直在上任。

在那次會議之前,阿卜杜拉告訴美國有線電視新聞網,他與巴勒斯坦民族權力機構主席馬哈茂德·阿巴斯、以色列總理納夫塔利·貝內特和國防部長本尼·甘茨分別舉行了會談。

據以色列報導,阿卜杜拉和甘茨於 2 月秘密會面,試圖增加後者在選舉中擊敗前總理本雅明內塔尼亞胡的機會,但自總理領導的新政府以來,沒有關於甘茨與阿卜杜拉會面的報導浮出水面。納夫塔利·貝內特宣誓就職。阿卜杜拉還談到了與總理的會面,但目前尚不清楚他是否暗示本月早些時候他與貝內特舉行了秘密會議。

阿卜杜拉說,他最關心的問題是如何“讓人們回到談判桌前”重啟自 2014 年以來凍結的談判,儘管以貝內特為首的新政府對於和平進程來說並不是“最理想的”。

阿卜杜拉說,他還想改善他的國家與以色列之間的關係,但這種關係“並不好”。這是對哈希姆王國和內塔尼亞胡之間存在的不良關係的提及。

國王補充說,他在與以色列和巴勒斯坦官員會面後感到“非常受鼓舞”。

“我認為,在過去的幾周里,我們不僅看到了以色列和約旦之間更好的理解,而且還從以色列和巴勒斯坦發出了我們需要向前推進並重新建立這種關係的聲音,”阿卜杜拉告訴 CNN。

這很重要,因為 5 月為期 11 天的加沙戰爭是對無視巴勒斯坦問題的國內和地區危險的“警鐘”。

他特別提到了戰爭期間猶太人和阿以之間的種族暴力,也被稱為城牆守護者。

“自 1948 年以來,這是我第一次感覺到以色列發生了內戰。當你看看村莊和城鎮時,阿拉伯-以色列人和以色列人發生了衝突,”國王說。

阿卜杜拉警告說:“如果他們失去希望,上帝保佑,[還有]另一個循環,下一場戰爭將更具破壞性。” 他說,在最後一場加沙戰爭中,“沒有勝利者”。

國王說,這場戰爭還警告了在美國斡旋下與以色列建立正常關係的四個阿拉伯國家、阿拉伯聯合酋長國、巴林摩洛哥和蘇丹。

阿卜杜拉解釋說,阿拉伯國家“著眼於國家安全利益”,認為與以色列的關係“符合他們的既得利益”。

“那場戰爭是對我們所有人的現實檢驗,即使亞伯拉罕協議可能會擴大,你也不能以犧牲以巴對話為代價,”他說。

另外,他對黎巴嫩的經濟危機發出警告,稱“底部將在數週內消失”。

耶路撒冷郵政工作人員為本報告做出了貢獻。

Jordan can't be Palestinian homeland in two-state solution - King Abdullah

"The Palestinians do not want to be in Jordan," Abdullah said. "They want their lands, they want their football team. They want their flag to fly above their houses."

By TOVAH LAZAROFF

JULY 26, 2021 19:57

JORDAN’S KING ABDULLAH II listens during a meeting in Amman in May.

(photo credit: ALEX BRANDON/POOL VIA REUTERS)

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Jordan cannot become the state of the Palestinians, King Abdullah II, the Hashemite Kingdom’s monarch, told CNN’s Fareed Zakaria in an interview which aired Sunday, while he was in Washington.

“Jordan is Jordan,” Abdullah said in response to a question about Israeli right-wing proposals to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by transforming Jordan into a Palestinian homeland. It’s a scenario that appears plausible to the Israeli Right, given that a majority of Jordanians are ethnically Palestinian.

Abdullah, however, emphatically nixed the idea, describing his country as one with “a mixed society from different ethnic and religious backgrounds.”

“The Palestinians do not want to be in Jordan,” Abdullah said. “They want their lands, they want their football team. They want their flag to fly above their houses.”

Throughout the interview he underscored the importance of a two-state resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Jordan’s vision for that plan is two states based on the pre-1967 lines, in which east Jerusalem and all of the West Bank would be within the final borders of a Palestinian state.

The Biden administration also supports a two-state resolution but has focused on preserving the option for such a plan without embarking on any initiative for the direct talks necessary to bring that option to fruition. Abdullah said it was important not to forego the two-state solution, warning that the only other option was a one-state solution.

“If we do not talk about the two-state solution, are we talking about a one-state solution?” Abdullah asked Zakaria. “Is it going to be fair, transparent and democratic? I think the one-state solution is far more challenging, to those in Israel that push that theory,” Abdullah said.

In that scenario, he asked, “what are you going to do. Are you going to push all the Palestinians out of their homes in the West Bank and create instability on the other side [Jordan,]?”

He referenced his meeting last Monday with US President Joe Biden at the White House. He was the first leader from the Middle East to sit face-to-face with Biden, who has been in office since January.

Prior to that meeting, Abdullah told CNN he had held separate talks with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas and with Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett and Defense Minister Benny Gantz.

According to Israeli reports, Abdullah and Gantz met in secret in February in an attempt to boost the latter’s chances of besting former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in the election but no reports had surfaced about a Gantz-Abdullah meeting since the new government headed by Prime Minister Naftali Bennett was sworn in. Abdullah also spoke of a meeting with a prime minister, but it was unclear if he was hinting at the secret meeting held earlier this month between him and Bennett.

At the top of his mind, Abdullah said, was the question of how to “get people back to the table” to restart talks frozen since 2014 even though the new government headed by Bennett was not “the most ideal” for a peace process.

Abdullah said he also wanted to improve ties between his country and Israel, which had “not been good.” It was a reference to the poor relations that had existed between the Hashemite Kingdom and Netanyahu.

The king added that he came out of meetings with the Israeli and Palestinian officials feeling “very encouraged.”

“I think we’ve seen, in the past couple of weeks, not only better understanding between Israel and Jordan, but the voices coming out of both Israel and Palestine that we need to move forward and reset that relationship,” Abdullah told CNN.

This was important because the 11-day Gaza war in May was a “wake up” call with respect to the perils, both domestically and regionally, of ignoring the Palestinian issue.

He specifically mentioned ethnic violence between Jews and Arab-Israelis during the war, also known as Guardian of the Walls.

“Since 1948, this was the first time I feel that a civil war happened in Israel. When you look at the villages and the towns, Arab-Israelis and Israelis got into conflict,” said the king.

“If they lose hope and, God forbid, [there is] another cycle, the next war is going to be even more damaging,” warned Abdullah. “There were no victors” in this last Gaza war, he said.

The king said the war also served to warn the four Arab countries who had normalized ties with Israel under the US brokered Abraham Accords, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain Morocco and Sudan.

Arab countries “looking at their national security interests” see a relationship with Israel as being “in their vested interest, “ Abdullah explained.

“That war was a reality check to all of us that even though the Abraham Accords may expand, you cannot do it at the expense of the Israeli-Palestinian dialogue, he said.

On a separate note, he warned about the economic crisis in Lebanon, saying that “the bottom would fall out” there within weeks.

Jerusalem Post Staff contributed to this report.

約旦遭到伊朗製造的無人機襲擊——阿卜杜拉國王

阿卜杜拉對美國有線電視新聞網說:“不幸的是,約旦遭到了我們必須應對的伊朗標誌性無人機的襲擊。”

作者:TZVI JOFFRE , TOVAH LAZAROFF

2021 年 7 月 26 日 12:12

2021 年 7 月 22 日,約旦國王阿卜杜拉二世在美國眾議院議長南希佩洛西 (D-CA) 的歡迎下在美國華盛頓的美國國會大廈發表講話。

(圖片來源:路透社/伊麗莎白·弗蘭茨)

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阿卜杜拉國王周日告訴美國有線電視新聞網,伊朗製造的無人機和導彈越來越多地襲擊了約旦,因為他描述了哈希姆王國和該地區面臨的來自伊斯蘭共和國的危險。

“不幸的是,約旦遭到了我們必須應對的伊朗標誌性無人機的襲擊,”阿卜杜拉告訴 CNN 的法里德·扎卡里亞。他澄清說,無人機襲擊發生在過去一年,並且有所增加。

阿卜杜拉列舉了一些與伊朗有關的問題,包括核計劃、彈道導彈開發、網絡攻擊和約旦邊境的小規模衝突。

伊朗的“彈道技術得到了顯著改善。不幸的是,我們已經看到了針對美國在伊拉克基地的情況。我們已經看到沙特成為也門導彈的接收者。在某種程度上,來自敘利亞和黎巴嫩的以色列,”國王說.

“以色列有時會在約旦登陸……除此之外,我們許多國家的網絡攻擊增加了。我們邊境的交火幾乎已經增加到我們與Da'esh [ISIS]處於高端的時候,”阿卜杜拉在強調其王國面臨的危險時說。

過去幾年,以色列在其北部戰線及其與約旦的邊界擊落了一些伊朗製造的無人機,包括在“圍牆守護者”行動期間。

以色列從空中打擊了伊朗在敘利亞的目標,大馬士革經常向在約旦領土上發動襲擊的飛機發射導彈。

在美國有線電視新聞網的採訪中,當被問及他是否支持拜登政府推動重新加入 2015 年伊朗核協議時,阿卜杜拉含糊其辭,該協議被稱為聯合綜合行動計劃。在維也納重啟德黑蘭與六國(美國、俄羅斯、中國、德國、法國和英國)之間的協議的談判已陷入停滯,儘管預計談判只會在 8 月恢復。

阿卜杜拉說:“在我們這個地區,美國人希望能夠與伊朗人討論的許多投資組合存在合理的擔憂,”他補充說,這包括約旦特別關注的問題。

“核計劃對以色列的影響就像對海灣地區一樣,”阿卜杜拉說。

然而,阿卜杜拉補充說,他認為美國和伊朗在維也納會談中的立場“有些不同”。

約旦國王指出阿拉伯聯合酋長國科威特和沙特阿拉伯為與伊朗接觸以緩和緊張局勢所做的努力。

阿卜杜拉補充說:“讓我們希望這些會談能讓我們處於一個更好的位置,讓我們能夠平靜該地區,因為我們面臨著如此多的挑戰。”

國王上周訪問美國期間與美國有線電視新聞網進行了交談,他訪問了白宮,成為第一位與美國會面的中東執行領導人

伊拉克總理穆斯塔法·卡迪米定於週一會見拜登,美國和以色列官員正在努力安排拜登與總理納夫塔利·貝內特很快會面

Jordan has been attacked by Iranian-made drones - King Abdullah

"Unfortunately, Jordan has been attacked by drones that have come out that are Iranian signature that we have to deal with," Abdullah said to CNN.

By TZVI JOFFRE, TOVAH LAZAROFF

JULY 26, 2021 12:12

Jordan's King Abdullah II speaks after being welcomed by US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) to the US Capitol in Washington, US, July 22, 2021.

(photo credit: REUTERS/ELIZABETH FRANTZ)

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Iranian-made drones and missiles have attacked Jordan in increasing numbers, King Abdullah told CNN on Sunday, as he described the dangers the Hashemite Kingdom and the region faces from the Islamic Republic.

"Unfortunately, Jordan has been attacked by drones that have come out that are Iranian signature that we have to deal with," Abdullah told CNN's Fareed Zakaria. He clarified that the drone attacks had taken place over the past year and had increased.

Abdullah listed a number of issues related to Iran, including the nuclear program, ballistic missile development, cyberattacks, and skirmishes along Jordan's borders.

Iran's "ballistic technology has improved dramatically. We've seen that, unfortunately, against American bases in Iraq. We've seen Saudi being the recipient of missiles out of Yemen. Israel from Syria and Lebanon, to an extent," the king said.

"What misses Israel sometimes lands in Jordan… Add to that [the] increased cyberattacks on many of our countries. The firefights on our borders have increased almost to the times when we were at the high end with Da'esh [ISIS]," Abdullah stated as he highlighted the dangers to his kingdom.

Israel, over the last years, has shot down a number of Iranian-made drones along its northern fronts and its border with Jordan, including during Operation Guardian of the Walls.

Israel has hit Iranian targets in Syria from the air and Damascus has often launched missile against the aircraft carrying out the attacks that have landed in Jordanian territory.

In the CNN interview, Abdullah was vague when asked if he supported the Biden administration's push to rejoin the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. Talks in Vienna to reactivate the deal between Tehran and the six world powers – the US, Russia, China, Germany, France and the United Kingdom – have stalled although discussions are expected to resume only in August.

"There are legitimate concerns in our part of the world on a lot of portfolios that the Americans are hopefully going to be able to discuss with the Iranians," Abdullah said, adding that this included issues of specific concern for Jordan.

"The nuclear program affects Israel as it does the Gulf," said Abdullah.

Abdullah added, however, that he felt that the American and Iranian positions in the Vienna talks are "somewhat far apart."

The Jordanian king pointed to efforts by the United Arab Emirates Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, to engage with Iran in order to lower tensions.

"Let's hope that those talks get us to a better position where we can calm the region because we have so many challenges," Abdullah added.

The king spoke with CNN during his trip to the US in which he visited the White House last week and he became the first executive Middle Eastern leader to meet with US

Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi is set to meet Biden on Monday and US and Israeli officials are working on scheduling a meeting soon between Biden and Prime Minister Naftali Bennett.

Omri Nahmias, Anna Ahronheim and Reuters contributed to this report.

“年輕衛兵”是巴勒斯坦權力機構的秘密力量嗎?

拉馬拉的巴勒斯坦人將侯賽因·謝赫和馬吉德·法拉傑描述為巴勒斯坦權力機構的“事實上的領導人”,並表示他們比任何其他巴勒斯坦官員都擁有更大的權力。

哈利·阿布·托梅

2021 年 7 月 26 日 22:08

巴勒斯坦權力機構民政部長侯賽因·謝赫在他位於拉馬拉的辦公室接受媒體專線採訪。

(圖片來源:媒體行)

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Hussein al-Sheikh 和 Majed Faraj 最近幾個月成為巴勒斯坦權力機構中最有權勢的領導人,這是巴勒斯坦公開的秘密 。

60 歲的謝赫和 59 歲的法拉傑屬於巴勒斯坦人的年輕衛隊領導層。在過去的幾年裡,兩人成為了 86 歲的巴勒斯坦民族權力機構主席馬哈茂德·阿巴斯最信任的助手。

謝赫和法拉吉陪同阿巴斯參加他在拉馬拉和世界各地舉行的幾乎每一次會議。

“他們與阿巴斯總統非常親近,”一位前巴勒斯坦權力機構官員說。“總統比任何人都更信任他們。”

星期一在拉馬拉的巴勒斯坦人將兩人描述為巴勒斯坦權力機構的“事實上的領導人”,並表示他們比任何其他巴勒斯坦官員都擁有更大的權力。

一些人將謝赫描述為真正的總理,而另一些人則表示他們認為法拉傑是國防部長。

謝赫是法塔赫中央委員會的民選成員,自 2007 年以來一直領導民政總局。在此職位上,他負責協調巴勒斯坦權力機構和以色列在西岸和加沙地帶的民事事務。

在 70 年代和 80 年代多次被以色列當局拘留,謝赫與許多以色列安全和文職官員保持著密切的關係。

在2020 年 11 月與以色列談判的前巴解組織主席Saeb Erekat去世後 ,謝赫似乎接替他成為巴勒斯坦權力機構的主要發言人之一,特別是在與停滯的與以色列和平進程有關的問題上。

兩名巴勒斯坦高級官員告訴耶路撒冷郵報,謝赫現在擔任阿巴斯的高級政治顧問。

FARAJ 自 2009 年起擔任巴勒斯坦權力機構總情報局局長,近年來也成為巴勒斯坦領域的主要參與者。和謝赫一樣,他也是阿巴斯值得信賴的知己。

Faraj出生在伯利恆附近的Dehaishe難民營,在70年代和80年代的不同時期也被以色列安全當局拘留過。

據說 Faraj 還與以色列安全和文職官員建立了密切聯繫。此外,他還負責協調巴勒斯坦權力機構安全部隊與美國和其他國際各方的接觸。

“法拉吉和謝赫是親密的朋友,”拉馬拉的一名巴勒斯坦政治分析人士說。“兩人被認為是盟友,但他們也樹敵很多,尤其是在將自己視為阿巴斯的自然接班人的法塔赫領導人中。”

Sheikh-Faraj 聯盟及其與阿巴斯的密切聯繫被視為對法塔赫兩名高級官員 Jibril Rajoub 和 Mahmoud al-Aloul 的打擊。

法塔赫秘書長拉朱布和副主席阿盧長期以來一直被吹捧為阿巴斯的潛在接班人。

“Hussein al-Sheikh 和 Majed Faraj 是後起之秀,”分析師告訴郵報。“他們比 Rajoub 和 al-Aloul 更強大、更有影響力。與拉霍布和阿魯爾不同,他們聽總統的話,與以色列人和美國人保持著良好的關係。”

一些巴勒斯坦人聲稱阿巴斯現在處於謝赫和法拉吉的“控制之下”。

“阿巴斯總統會做任何他們讓他做的事情,”一位資深的法塔赫官員說。“由於他們與以色列和美國的關係,他們非常強大。如果以色列人和美國人想從巴勒斯坦權力機構那裡得到什麼,他們知道該打電話給誰:侯賽因·謝赫和馬吉德·法拉傑。”

兩人還以反對巴勒斯坦權力機構和哈馬斯之間任何形式的和解而聞名,這一倡議得到了拉朱布和其他法塔赫領導人的大力支持。這意味著,只要謝赫和法拉傑繼續在巴勒斯坦權力機構擔任要職,結束法塔赫-哈馬斯爭端的可能性將保持為零。

如果兩者在後阿巴斯時代上台,那麼以色列、美國和歐盟都可以鬆一口氣。謝赫和法拉傑致力於恢復和平進程——更重要的是,他們相信與以色列的持續安全和民事協調。

Is the 'young guard' the secret power in the Palestinian Authority?

Palestinians in Ramallah described Hussein al-Sheikh and Majed Faraj as the “de facto leaders” of the PA and said they have more power than any other Palestinian official.

By KHALED ABU TOAMEH

JULY 26, 2021 22:08

Palestinian Authority Civil Affairs Minister Hussein Al-Sheikh speaks to The Media Line in his office in Ramallah.

(photo credit: THE MEDIA LINE)

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It’s an open secret among Palestinians that Hussein al-Sheikh and Majed Faraj have in recent months become the most powerful leaders in the Palestinian Authority.

Sheikh, 60, and Faraj, 59, belong to the young guard leadership of the Palestinians. The two have, over the past few years, become the most trusted aides of 86-year-old Mahmoud Abbas, the president of the PA.

Sheikh and Faraj accompany Abbas to almost every meeting he holds in Ramallah and around the world.

“They are very close to President Abbas,” said a former PA official. “The president trusts them more than anyone else.”

Palestinians in Ramallah on Monday described the two as the “de facto leaders” of the PA and said they have more power than any other Palestinian officials.

Israeli Air Force strikes Gaza Strip inresponse toincendiary balloons

Some described Sheikh as the real prime minister, while others said they considered Faraj a defense minister.

Sheikh, an elected member of the Fatah Central Committee, has been led the General Authority of Civil Affairs since 2007. In this capacity, he is in charge of coordination between the PA and Israel on civilian matters in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

Detained several times by Israeli authorities in the 70’s and 80’s, Sheikh maintains strong relations with many Israeli security and civilian officials.

After the death of former PLO chief Saeb Erekat, who negotiated with Israel in November 2020, Sheikh seemed to replace him as one of the main spokesmen of the PA, particularly regarding issues related to the stalled peace process with Israel.

Two senior Palestinian officials told The Jerusalem Post that Sheikh was now serving as a top political adviser to Abbas.

FARAJ, head of the PA General Intelligence Service since 2009, has also become in recent years a major player in the Palestinian arena. Like Sheikh, he is also a trusted confidant of Abbas.

Born in Dehaishe refugee camp near Bethlehem, Faraj was also detained by Israeli security authorities for different periods in the 70’s and 80’s.

Faraj is also said to have developed close connections with Israeli security and civilian officials. In addition, he is in charge of coordinating contacts between PA security forces and the US and other international parties.

“Faraj and al-Sheikh are close friends,” said a Palestinian political analyst in Ramallah. “The two are considered allies, but they have also made many enemies, especially among Fatah leaders who see themselves as natural successors to Abbas.”

The Sheikh-Faraj alliance and their close links to Abbas are seen as a blow to two senior Fatah officials: Jibril Rajoub and Mahmoud al-Aloul.

Rajoub, Secretary-General of Fatah, and Aloul, its deputy chairman, have long been touted as potential successors to Abbas.

“Hussein al-Sheikh and Majed Faraj are the rising stars,” the analyst told the Post. “They are much more powerful and influential than Rajoub and al-Aloul. They have the president’s ear and enjoy good relations with the Israelis and Americans, unlike Rajoub and al-Aloul.”

Some Palestinians claimed that Abbas was now “under the control” of Sheikh and Faraj.

“President Abbas will literally do anything they tell him to do,” said a veteran Fatah official. “They are very powerful, thanks to their connections with Israel and the US. If the Israelis and Americans want something from the Palestinian Authority, they know who to call: Hussein al-Sheikh and Majed Faraj.”

The two are also known for their opposition to any form of rapprochement between the PA and Hamas, an initiative strongly supported by Rajoub and other Fatah leaders. This means that as long as Sheikh and Faraj continue to hold senior positions in the PA, the possibility of ending the Fatah-Hamas dispute will remain zero.

If the two come to power in the post-Abbas era, then Israel, the US and the European Union can breathe a great sigh of relief. Sheikh and Faraj are committed to the resumption of the peace process – and, more importantly, they believe in continued security and civilian coordination with Israel.

“非正統猶太人是我們的兄弟”——Matan Kahana

宗教服務部長抨擊強硬的東正教團體擾亂西牆祈禱,嚴厲譴責卡什魯特改革。

作者:傑瑞米·沙龍

2021 年 7 月 26 日 21:21

週一,宗教服務部長馬坦·卡哈納( Matan Kahana)在反駁一項不信任動議時將非東正教猶太人描述為“兄弟”,猛烈抨擊 強硬的東正教激進分子在 Av 第九街的 西牆舉行的保守派祈禱服務中斷

在以色列議會全體會議的一場暴風雨會議上,部長經常因極端正統 MK 的尖叫和喊叫而無法聽到,卡哈納譴責這些激進分子和極端正統派反對他的 kashrut 改革缺乏對上帝的信仰和信心他們自己的宗教道路。

Kahana 正在為政府辯護,不受極端正統聯合托拉猶太教黨提交的不信任動議的影響,該動議由其 haredi 合作夥伴 Shas 共同簽署,該動議被稱為“非猶太政府”。

部長的話在全體會議上遭到了極端正統派 MK 的嚴厲譴責,UTJ 主席 MK Moshe Gafni 甚至稱 Kahana 為“Antiochus”,這是哈斯蒙尼派 (Hasmoneans) 時代猶太人的古老敵人。根除猶太人的習俗。

該動議與另外兩人一起以59比49輕鬆擊敗。

Kahana 的評論代表了他第一次個人提及 Av 事件 9 日的齋戒,他說這源於活動家自己的恐懼。

“對自己的猶太教沒有信心的人,對自己的信仰沒有信心的人,對自己的道路沒有信心的人,對上帝沒有信心的人總是處於恐懼之中,”部長說。

“有多少恐懼和恐懼,多少缺乏信心,才讓人們認為,在紀念因毫無根據的仇恨而毀壞聖殿的 Av 齋戒前夕,最好的主意是去打擾那些來到耶路撒冷為聖殿被毀而哭泣的人!” 他宣布。

卡哈納說:“我們不害怕……我們確定自己的道路,”並補充說,“當與我們想法不同的人來到西牆祈禱時,即使我們確定他們錯了,我們也不會感到害怕。他們是我們的兄弟——我們不想和他們打架——因為一個不害怕的人,一個不生活在恐懼中的人,知道拉近人們的方式是通過毫無根據的愛,而不是無限的仇恨。”

高級 UTJ MK Yaakov Litzman 在講台上提出了不信任動議,譴責聯盟是“分裂政府”,因為他所說的是對極端正統社區和宗教的攻擊。

他特別努力地譴責非正統猶太運動。

“這個政府煽動民眾反對極端正統派、反對宗教和反對猶太傳統,”利茲曼說。

“你們已經向我們的孩子開戰了,”他繼續說,他提到了父親在猶太學校全日制學習的家庭的育兒補貼即將削減,並補充說政府“違反了所有 10 條誡命”。

利茲曼再次將聯盟描述為“改革政府”,正如他在多個場合所做的那樣,他說“改革[運動]摧毀了美國的宗教——這個政府希望在以色列做同樣的事情。”

'Non-Orthodox Jews are our brothers' - Matan Kahana

Religious services minister blasts hardline Orthodox groups for disturbing Western Wall prayer, harsh denunciations of kashrut reform.

By JEREMY SHARON

JULY 26, 2021 21:21

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Religious Services Minister Matan Kahana described non-Orthodox Jews as “brothers” during his rebuttal to a motion of no-confidence on Monday, lambasting the interruption of a Conservative prayer service at the Western Wall on the Ninth of Av fast by hardline Orthodox activists.

In a tempestuous session in the Knesset plenum in which the minister frequently could not be heard over the screaming and shouting of ultra-Orthodox MKs, Kahana denounced such activists and the ultra-Orthodox opposition to his kashrut reforms as lacking faith in God and confidence in their own religious path.

Kahana was defending the government from a motion of no-confidence submitted by the ultra-Orthodox United Torah Judaism Party and co-signed by its haredi partner Shas, a motion which was labeled the “non-kosher government.”

The minister’s words were met with bitter denunciation by the ultra-Orthodox MKs in the plenum, with UTJ chairman MK Moshe Gafni going so far as to call Kahana “Antiochus,” the ancient enemy of the Jews in the time of the Hasmoneans who sought to eradicate Jewish practice.

The motion, together with two others, was easily defeated 59 to 49.

Kahana’s comments represent his first personal reference to the Fast of the 9th of Av events, which he said stemmed from the activists’ own fear.

“Someone with no confidence in their Judaism, someone with no confidence in their faith, someone with no confidence in their path, someone with no confidence in God is always in fear,” said the minister.

“How much fear and fright, how much lack of confidence, does it take to make people think that the best idea on the eve of the Fast of Av – which commemorates the destruction of the Temple due to baseless hatred – is to go and disturb people who have come to Jerusalem to cry over the destruction of the Temple!” he declared.

Kahana said that “we are not afraid… we are certain of our path,” adding that, “When people who think differently from us come to pray at the Western Wall, even when we are certain they are mistaken, we are not horrified. They are our brothers – we don’t want to fight with them – because someone who is not afraid, someone who does not live in fear, knows that the way to draw people close is through baseless love and not unbound hatred.”

Senior UTJ MK Yaakov Litzman had proposed the no-confidence motion from the podium, denouncing the coalition as “the government of division” for what he said were its attacks on the ultra-Orthodox community and religion.

And he took particular pains to denounce the non-Orthodox Jewish movements.

“This government has incited the general population against the ultra-Orthodox, against religion and against Jewish tradition,” said Litzman.

“You have opened war against our children,” he continued, in reference to pending cuts to child-care subsidies for families in which the father studies full time in yeshiva, adding that the government had “transgressed all 10 commandments.”

Litzman again described the coalition as “a Reform government,” as he has done on several occasions, saying that “the Reform [movement] destroyed religion in America – and this government wants to do the same thing here in Israel.”

Ben-Gvir 與以色列議會的引座員發生衝突

蒂比命令猶太復國主義宗教黨 MK 被撤職,但他拒絕服從。

通過GIL HOFFMAN

2021 年 7 月 26 日 23:23

週一晚上,在以色列議會副議長艾哈邁德·蒂比(聯合名單)命令他離開後, 宗教猶太復國主義黨 MK Itamar Ben-Gvir身體上抵制了引座員將他從以色列議會全體會議講台上移走的企圖。

當本-格維爾沒有按照以色列議會協議規定正式稱蒂比為“尊敬的議長”開始他的演講時,幾個小時前被任命為副議長的蒂比試圖阻止他發言。Ben-Gvir 告訴 Tibi,他不光彩。

Ben-Gvir 告訴 Tibi,他是屬於敘利亞議會的恐怖分子。蒂比的回應是,按照以色列議會的程序,給本-格維爾三次機會收回他的話。

當 Ben-Gvir 拒絕時,Tibi 要求引導員將他從全會中帶走。Ben-Gvir 用身體擊退了守衛,回到了講台上。

Ben-Gvir 只是在以色列議會議長Mickey Levy進入全體會議並進行干預後才同意離開。

Likud MK Keti Shirit 指責引座員在移除 Ben-Gvir 時過於用力。

Ben-Gvir 要求 Levy 解僱 Tibi,並表示他將向尚未成立的以色列議會道德委員會提出上訴。

“艾哈邁德·蒂比是一名恐怖分子,他無權向招待員下達此類指示,”本-格維爾說。

工黨主席拉姆謝法說,本-格維爾應該為自己感到羞恥。

“你卑微的挑釁給以色列議會帶來了壞名聲,”謝法告訴本-格維爾

(在以色列政治上,有一小群極右翼的猶太種族主義者,他們的激進立場是連右翼政治人物都會害怕的。目前主要存在的激進右翼政黨或團體就是「Otzmat Yehudit與Lehava」。

前者是起源於90年代的”Kahane Chai”青年運動,他們反奧斯陸協議、反拉賓也反阿拉伯裔以色列人,認為應將阿拉伯裔以色列人驅逐出境,這個思潮的代表者是現任國會議員Itamar Ben Gvir,他的政黨則是新進入國會的「宗教猶太復國主義黨( Religious Zionist Party)」。

另外一個激進的團體”Lehava”則是以反同化、反對猶太人與任何非猶太人包括穆斯林與基督徒結婚著名的,只要他們發現有這種結婚的人,他們就會跑去騷擾或攻擊人家,他們對於提倡猶太阿拉伯人和平共存的雙語學校也反對,會跑去塗鴉或甚至縱火攻擊這樣的學校,此外他們也反對基督教在以色列境內的活動,也反同性戀,反對以色列婦女跟外族男性交往結婚,中心宗旨就是要維持猶太人種族純淨。這樣的種族主義跟猶太人的實際狀況不合,反而跟納粹提倡純淨的雅利安人血統非常相似。

Ben-Gvir scuffles with Knesset ushers

Tibi orders Religious Zionist Party MK's removal, but he refuses to comply.

By GIL HOFFMAN

JULY 26, 2021 23:23

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Ben-Gvir being removed from the Knesset plenum

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Religious Zionist Party MK Itamar Ben-Gvir physically resisted attempts by ushers to remove him from the rostrum of the Knesset plenum on Monday night after he was ordered to leave by Deputy Knesset Speaker Ahmad Tibi (Joint List).

When Ben-Gvir did not begin his speech by formally calling Tibi "honorable speaker," as Knesset protocol dictates, Tibi who was appointed a deputy speaker hours earlier, attempted to stop him from speaking. Ben-Gvir told Tibi that he was not honorable.

Ben-Gvir told Tibi that he is a terrorist who belongs in the Syrian parliament. Tibi responded by giving Ben-Gvir three chances to take back his words, following Knesset procedure.

When Ben-Gvir refused, Tibi asked the ushers to remove him from the plenum. Ben-Gvir physically fought off the guards and returned to the rostrum.

Ben-Gvir only agreed to leave after Knesset Speaker Mickey Levy came into the plenum and intervened.

Likud MK Keti Shirit accused the ushers for being too physical in removing Ben-Gvir.

Ben-Gvir asked Levy to fire Tibi and said he would appeal to the Knesset Ethics Committee, which has not yet been formed.

"Ahmad Tibi is a terrorist, who did not have the authority to give such directives to the ushers," Ben-Gvir said.

Labor faction chairman Ram Shefa said Ben-Gvir should be ashamed of himself.

"Your lowly provocations give the Knesset a bad name," Shefa told Ben-Gvir.

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2021.07.27 國際新聞導讀-美國計畫於本年底自伊拉克完全撤軍、約旦不同意收容巴勒斯坦人而支持在其自己家園建國、巴勒斯坦法塔內部權力換代、以色列的激進種族主義帶來威脅

拜登和伊拉克總理討論結束美國在伊拉克的作戰任務

美國總統拜登歡迎伊拉克總理穆斯塔法·卡迪米到白宮商討結束美國在伊拉克的作戰任務。

通過OMRI納米亞斯,路透

2021 年 7 月 27 日 00:15

2020 年 8 月 23 日,在伊拉克巴格達以北的基地舉行的塔吉軍事基地從美國領導的聯軍部隊移交給伊拉克安全部隊的移交儀式上,可以看到美國士兵。

(圖片來源:THAIER AL-SUDANI/REUTERS)

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美國總統喬·拜登和伊拉克總理穆斯塔法·卡迪米週一簽署了一項協議,正式在 2021 年底前結束美國在伊拉克的作戰任務,這是在美軍被派往該國超過 18 年之後。

再加上拜登在 8 月底前撤出了駐阿富汗的最後一批美軍,這位民主黨總統正在完成美國在時任總統喬治·W·布什 (George W. Bush) 領導下開始的兩場戰爭中的作戰任務。

作為美國和伊拉克戰略對話的一部分,拜登和卡迪米在橢圓形辦公室會面,進行了首次面對面會談。

“我們在伊拉克的角色將是……隨時待命,繼續訓練、協助、幫助和應對出現的伊斯蘭國,但到今年年底,我們不會在一次戰鬥任務,”拜登在和卡迪米會面時告訴記者。

HARITH HASAN 是 Malcolm H. Kerr 卡內基中東中心的非常駐高級研究員,他的研究重點是伊拉克。他告訴耶路撒冷郵報,會議的主要問題是美軍在該國的存在。

他說:“哈迪米正面臨來自與伊朗結盟的什葉派派系和民兵越來越大的壓力,要求其執行議會一項不具約束力的決定,以結束美軍的存在。” “他正試圖達成一個既滿足這些群體又不失去美國支持的方案。”

哈桑說,會議的可能結果將是宣布從伊拉克重新部署美國作戰部隊,也許有一個時間表,“強調以美國為首的反伊斯蘭國聯盟的使命已經完全轉向訓練伊拉克軍隊和提供諮詢服務。角色。

“如果聲明包括明確的語言和完成撤軍的日期,卡迪米可以藉此向民兵和伊朗人施加更大壓力,以阻止對駐有美軍的軍事基地的襲擊,”他補充說。

卡迪米是拜登上任以來首批訪問白宮的外國領導人之一。哈桑說:“這表明美國政府——其中包括幾位親自認識卡迪米的官員——有興趣證明它支持總理並希望幫助他。”

“他在去年 7 月特朗普執政時訪問了白宮,當時人們對卡迪米可以做些什麼來減少伊朗在該國的影響力和麵對準軍事人員的期望要高得多,”他說。

“現在,期望值降低了,拜登政府對卡迪米麵臨的挑戰表現出更多的理解。”

哈桑指出,拜登對伊拉克很熟悉,因為他在奧巴馬政府擔任副總統時負責伊拉克政策。

“幾乎每個人都在關注的主要問題是美國和伊拉克的軍事地位——而對話的進展似乎是兩國可能會宣布,到今年年底,美國和伊拉克的作戰任務將美國已經結束,那些作戰部隊將撤出,”美國和平研究所中東項目主任薩杭哈馬西德告訴郵報。

“然而,細節決定成敗,”他說。“有跡象表明,就人數而言,部隊的存在不會改變。這些部隊的職能將發生變化,更多地關注訓練、建議和情報共享以及對伊拉克部隊的支持。

“給美國的建議是不要重複 2011 年的經驗——在戰鬥任務結束後不要撤出所有部隊,因為這樣的撤出可能導致伊拉克安全部隊沒有做好準備,因此無法完成任務,”哈馬西德說。

“通常,軍事撤出會伴隨著政治脫離或政治參與的減少,這為伊朗、土耳其和其他地區的參與者創造了空間和真空來填補這個空間——這將導致伊拉克的進一步不穩定,並可能導致局勢逆轉。對伊斯蘭國的軍事收益,”他說。

“在我看來,美國並不急於從伊拉克撤軍,而是在處理複雜的局勢,”該項目負責人說。“它希望保留軍隊以支持伊拉克安全部隊並繼續打擊伊斯蘭國——以及美國在那裡的持續存在。”

談到訪問的早期時間,哈馬西德說,“鑑於本屆政府在國內和世界舞台上處理的複雜問題,這次總理的訪問——並且是中東的早期領導人之一進入白宮——確實表明拜登政府特別重視中東和伊拉克。

“這不僅僅是這屆政府,”他指出。“上屆政府也在去年 8 月接見了總理——正是在這場大流行期間。所以我認為美國正試圖繼續表明[與]伊拉克的關係很重要。”

Biden and Iraqi PM to discuss ending US combat mission in the country

US President Joe Biden welcomed Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa Al-Kadhimi to the White House to discuss the ending of the US's combat mission in Iraq.

By OMRI NAHMIAS, REUTERS

JULY 27, 2021 00:15

U.S. soldiers are seen during a handover ceremony of Taji military base from US-led coalition troops to Iraqi security forces, in the base north of Baghdad, Iraq August 23, 2020.

(photo credit: THAIER AL-SUDANI/REUTERS)

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US President Joe Biden and Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi on Monday sealed an agreement formally ending the US combat mission in Iraq by the end of 2021, more than 18 years after US troops were sent to the country.

Coupled with Biden's withdrawal of the last American forces in Afghanistan by the end of August, the Democratic president is completing US combat missions in the two wars that then-President George W. Bush began under his watch.

Biden and Kadhimi met in the Oval Office for their first face-to-face talks as part of a strategic dialogue between the United States and Iraq.

"Our role in Iraq will be … to be available, to continue to train, to assist, to help and to deal with ISIS as it arises, but we’re not going to be, by the end of the year, in a combat mission," Biden told reporters as he and Kadhimi met.

HARITH HASAN is a nonresident senior fellow at the Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center, where his research focuses on Iraq. He told The Jerusalem Post that the main issue in the meeting is the presence of US troops in the country.

“Khadimi is facing increasing pressure from Shia factions and militias allied with Iran to implement a non-binding decision by the parliament to end the presence of US troops,” he said. “He is trying to reach a formula that satisfies these groups without losing US support.”

Hasan said that the likely outcome of the meeting will be an announcement to redeploy US combat troops from Iraq, perhaps with a timeline, “emphasizing that the mission of the US-led anti-ISIS coalition has shifted exclusively toward training of Iraqi troops and advisory roles.

“If the announcement includes clear language and a date for the completion of withdrawal, Khadimi can use this to place more pressure on the militias – and the Iranians – to stop attacks on military bases that host US troops,” he added.

Kadhimi is one of the first foreign leaders to visit the White House since Biden took office. “It shows that the US administration – which includes several officials who knew Khadimi in person – is interested in demonstrating that it supports the premier and wants to help him,” Hasan said.

“He visited the White House last July when Trump was in power, when the expectations were much higher about what Khadimi could do to reduce Iranian influence in the country and face paramilitaries,” he said.

“Now, the expectations are lower, and the Biden administration is showing more understanding for the challenges Khadimi is facing.”

Hasan noted that Biden is familiar with Iraq, since he was in charge of Iraqi policy when he was vice president in the Obama administration.

“THE PRIMARY issue that pretty much everybody is looking at is the military status of the United States and Iraq – and where the conversation seems to be going is that both countries would likely announce that by the end of this year, the combat mission of the US is already over and those combat troops will withdraw,” US Institute of Peace’s director of Middle East Programs Sarhang Hamasaeed told the Post.

“However, the devil is in the details,” he said. “The indications are that the troop presence in terms of the numbers would not change. It will be the functions of those troops that will change to focus more on training, advice and intelligence sharing and support for Iraqi forces.

“The advice to the United States has been to not repeat the experience of 2011 – to not withdraw all troops after a combat mission is over because such a withdrawal may result in Iraqi security forces that are not ready and therefore cannot complete the mission,” Hamasaeed said.

“Usually, military withdrawal would be seen with political disengagement or reduction of political engagement, which creates space and vacuum for regional actors like Iran, Turkey and others to come and fill that space – which would lead to further instability in Iraq and possibly the reversal of the military gains against ISIS,” he said.

“In my view, the US is not in a rush to withdraw from Iraq, but it is dealing with a complicated situation,” the program director said. “It wants to maintain troops to support the Iraqi security forces and continue to fight against ISIS – and also a continued US presence there.”

Speaking about the early timing of the visit, Hamasaeed said that “given the complex issues that this administration is dealing with domestically and on the world stage, the visit of the prime minister this time – and being one of the early leaders from the Middle East coming to be received in the White House – does signal that the Biden administration has placed importance on the Middle East and Iraq in particular.

“And this is not just this administration,” he pointed out. “The last administration also received the prime minister last August – it was during this pandemic. So I think the United States is trying to continue signaling that [the relationship with] Iraq is important.”

約旦不能成為兩國解決方案中的巴勒斯坦家園 - 阿卜杜拉國王

“巴勒斯坦人不想待在約旦,”阿卜杜拉說。“他們想要他們的土地,他們想要他們的足球隊。他們想要他們的旗幟在他們的房子上空飄揚。”

作者:托瓦·拉扎羅夫

2021 年 7 月 26 日 19:57

約旦國王阿布杜拉二世五月在安曼的一次會議上聆聽。

(照片來源:ALEX BRANDON/POOL VIA REUTERS)

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約旦不能成為巴勒斯坦人的國家 ,哈希姆王國的君主阿卜杜拉二世國王在周日播出的一次採訪中告訴美國有線電視新聞網的法里德扎卡里亞,當時他在華盛頓。

“約旦就是約旦,”阿卜杜拉在回答有關以色列右翼提議通過將約旦轉變為巴勒斯坦家園來解決以巴衝突的問題時說。鑑於大多數約旦人是巴勒斯坦人,這種情況對以色列右翼來說似乎是合理的。

然而,阿卜杜拉堅決否定了這個想法,將他的國家描述為一個“來自不同種族和宗教背景的混合社會”。

“巴勒斯坦人不想待在約旦,”阿卜杜拉說。“他們想要他們的土地,他們想要他們的足球隊。他們希望他們的旗幟飄揚在他們的房屋上方。”

在整個採訪中,他強調了兩國解決方案對以巴衝突的重要性。約旦對該計劃的願景是基於 1967 年之前的線建立兩個國家,其中東耶路撒冷和整個西岸將在巴勒斯坦國的最終邊界內。

拜登政府也支持兩國解決方案,但一直專注於保留此類計劃的選擇權,而沒有採取任何必要的直接談判舉措來實現該選擇權。阿卜杜拉說,重要的是不要放棄兩國解決方案,並警告說唯一的其他選擇是一國解決方案。

“如果我們不談論兩國解決方案,我們是否在談論一個國家解決方案?” 阿卜杜拉問扎卡里亞。“它會公平、透明和民主嗎?我認為一國解決方案對那些推動這一理論的以色列人來說更具挑戰性,”阿卜杜拉說。

在那種情況下,他問道:“你打算怎麼做。你是否要把所有巴勒斯坦人趕出他們在西岸的家園,並在另一邊(約旦)製造不穩定?”

他提到了他上週一在白宮與美國總統喬拜登的會面。他是第一位與拜登面對面坐下來的中東領導人,拜登自一月以來一直在上任。

在那次會議之前,阿卜杜拉告訴美國有線電視新聞網,他與巴勒斯坦民族權力機構主席馬哈茂德·阿巴斯、以色列總理納夫塔利·貝內特和國防部長本尼·甘茨分別舉行了會談。

據以色列報導,阿卜杜拉和甘茨於 2 月秘密會面,試圖增加後者在選舉中擊敗前總理本雅明內塔尼亞胡的機會,但自總理領導的新政府以來,沒有關於甘茨與阿卜杜拉會面的報導浮出水面。納夫塔利·貝內特宣誓就職。阿卜杜拉還談到了與總理的會面,但目前尚不清楚他是否暗示本月早些時候他與貝內特舉行了秘密會議。

阿卜杜拉說,他最關心的問題是如何“讓人們回到談判桌前”重啟自 2014 年以來凍結的談判,儘管以貝內特為首的新政府對於和平進程來說並不是“最理想的”。

阿卜杜拉說,他還想改善他的國家與以色列之間的關係,但這種關係“並不好”。這是對哈希姆王國和內塔尼亞胡之間存在的不良關係的提及。

國王補充說,他在與以色列和巴勒斯坦官員會面後感到“非常受鼓舞”。

“我認為,在過去的幾周里,我們不僅看到了以色列和約旦之間更好的理解,而且還從以色列和巴勒斯坦發出了我們需要向前推進並重新建立這種關係的聲音,”阿卜杜拉告訴 CNN。

這很重要,因為 5 月為期 11 天的加沙戰爭是對無視巴勒斯坦問題的國內和地區危險的“警鐘”。

他特別提到了戰爭期間猶太人和阿以之間的種族暴力,也被稱為城牆守護者。

“自 1948 年以來,這是我第一次感覺到以色列發生了內戰。當你看看村莊和城鎮時,阿拉伯-以色列人和以色列人發生了衝突,”國王說。

阿卜杜拉警告說:“如果他們失去希望,上帝保佑,[還有]另一個循環,下一場戰爭將更具破壞性。” 他說,在最後一場加沙戰爭中,“沒有勝利者”。

國王說,這場戰爭還警告了在美國斡旋下與以色列建立正常關係的四個阿拉伯國家、阿拉伯聯合酋長國、巴林摩洛哥和蘇丹。

阿卜杜拉解釋說,阿拉伯國家“著眼於國家安全利益”,認為與以色列的關係“符合他們的既得利益”。

“那場戰爭是對我們所有人的現實檢驗,即使亞伯拉罕協議可能會擴大,你也不能以犧牲以巴對話為代價,”他說。

另外,他對黎巴嫩的經濟危機發出警告,稱“底部將在數週內消失”。

耶路撒冷郵政工作人員為本報告做出了貢獻。

Jordan can't be Palestinian homeland in two-state solution - King Abdullah

"The Palestinians do not want to be in Jordan," Abdullah said. "They want their lands, they want their football team. They want their flag to fly above their houses."

By TOVAH LAZAROFF

JULY 26, 2021 19:57

JORDAN’S KING ABDULLAH II listens during a meeting in Amman in May.

(photo credit: ALEX BRANDON/POOL VIA REUTERS)

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Jordan cannot become the state of the Palestinians, King Abdullah II, the Hashemite Kingdom’s monarch, told CNN’s Fareed Zakaria in an interview which aired Sunday, while he was in Washington.

“Jordan is Jordan,” Abdullah said in response to a question about Israeli right-wing proposals to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by transforming Jordan into a Palestinian homeland. It’s a scenario that appears plausible to the Israeli Right, given that a majority of Jordanians are ethnically Palestinian.

Abdullah, however, emphatically nixed the idea, describing his country as one with “a mixed society from different ethnic and religious backgrounds.”

“The Palestinians do not want to be in Jordan,” Abdullah said. “They want their lands, they want their football team. They want their flag to fly above their houses.”

Throughout the interview he underscored the importance of a two-state resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Jordan’s vision for that plan is two states based on the pre-1967 lines, in which east Jerusalem and all of the West Bank would be within the final borders of a Palestinian state.

The Biden administration also supports a two-state resolution but has focused on preserving the option for such a plan without embarking on any initiative for the direct talks necessary to bring that option to fruition. Abdullah said it was important not to forego the two-state solution, warning that the only other option was a one-state solution.

“If we do not talk about the two-state solution, are we talking about a one-state solution?” Abdullah asked Zakaria. “Is it going to be fair, transparent and democratic? I think the one-state solution is far more challenging, to those in Israel that push that theory,” Abdullah said.

In that scenario, he asked, “what are you going to do. Are you going to push all the Palestinians out of their homes in the West Bank and create instability on the other side [Jordan,]?”

He referenced his meeting last Monday with US President Joe Biden at the White House. He was the first leader from the Middle East to sit face-to-face with Biden, who has been in office since January.

Prior to that meeting, Abdullah told CNN he had held separate talks with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas and with Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett and Defense Minister Benny Gantz.

According to Israeli reports, Abdullah and Gantz met in secret in February in an attempt to boost the latter’s chances of besting former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in the election but no reports had surfaced about a Gantz-Abdullah meeting since the new government headed by Prime Minister Naftali Bennett was sworn in. Abdullah also spoke of a meeting with a prime minister, but it was unclear if he was hinting at the secret meeting held earlier this month between him and Bennett.

At the top of his mind, Abdullah said, was the question of how to “get people back to the table” to restart talks frozen since 2014 even though the new government headed by Bennett was not “the most ideal” for a peace process.

Abdullah said he also wanted to improve ties between his country and Israel, which had “not been good.” It was a reference to the poor relations that had existed between the Hashemite Kingdom and Netanyahu.

The king added that he came out of meetings with the Israeli and Palestinian officials feeling “very encouraged.”

“I think we’ve seen, in the past couple of weeks, not only better understanding between Israel and Jordan, but the voices coming out of both Israel and Palestine that we need to move forward and reset that relationship,” Abdullah told CNN.

This was important because the 11-day Gaza war in May was a “wake up” call with respect to the perils, both domestically and regionally, of ignoring the Palestinian issue.

He specifically mentioned ethnic violence between Jews and Arab-Israelis during the war, also known as Guardian of the Walls.

“Since 1948, this was the first time I feel that a civil war happened in Israel. When you look at the villages and the towns, Arab-Israelis and Israelis got into conflict,” said the king.

“If they lose hope and, God forbid, [there is] another cycle, the next war is going to be even more damaging,” warned Abdullah. “There were no victors” in this last Gaza war, he said.

The king said the war also served to warn the four Arab countries who had normalized ties with Israel under the US brokered Abraham Accords, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain Morocco and Sudan.

Arab countries “looking at their national security interests” see a relationship with Israel as being “in their vested interest, “ Abdullah explained.

“That war was a reality check to all of us that even though the Abraham Accords may expand, you cannot do it at the expense of the Israeli-Palestinian dialogue, he said.

On a separate note, he warned about the economic crisis in Lebanon, saying that “the bottom would fall out” there within weeks.

Jerusalem Post Staff contributed to this report.

約旦遭到伊朗製造的無人機襲擊——阿卜杜拉國王

阿卜杜拉對美國有線電視新聞網說:“不幸的是,約旦遭到了我們必須應對的伊朗標誌性無人機的襲擊。”

作者:TZVI JOFFRE , TOVAH LAZAROFF

2021 年 7 月 26 日 12:12

2021 年 7 月 22 日,約旦國王阿卜杜拉二世在美國眾議院議長南希佩洛西 (D-CA) 的歡迎下在美國華盛頓的美國國會大廈發表講話。

(圖片來源:路透社/伊麗莎白·弗蘭茨)

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阿卜杜拉國王周日告訴美國有線電視新聞網,伊朗製造的無人機和導彈越來越多地襲擊了約旦,因為他描述了哈希姆王國和該地區面臨的來自伊斯蘭共和國的危險。

“不幸的是,約旦遭到了我們必須應對的伊朗標誌性無人機的襲擊,”阿卜杜拉告訴 CNN 的法里德·扎卡里亞。他澄清說,無人機襲擊發生在過去一年,並且有所增加。

阿卜杜拉列舉了一些與伊朗有關的問題,包括核計劃、彈道導彈開發、網絡攻擊和約旦邊境的小規模衝突。

伊朗的“彈道技術得到了顯著改善。不幸的是,我們已經看到了針對美國在伊拉克基地的情況。我們已經看到沙特成為也門導彈的接收者。在某種程度上,來自敘利亞和黎巴嫩的以色列,”國王說.

“以色列有時會在約旦登陸……除此之外,我們許多國家的網絡攻擊增加了。我們邊境的交火幾乎已經增加到我們與Da'esh [ISIS]處於高端的時候,”阿卜杜拉在強調其王國面臨的危險時說。

過去幾年,以色列在其北部戰線及其與約旦的邊界擊落了一些伊朗製造的無人機,包括在“圍牆守護者”行動期間。

以色列從空中打擊了伊朗在敘利亞的目標,大馬士革經常向在約旦領土上發動襲擊的飛機發射導彈。

在美國有線電視新聞網的採訪中,當被問及他是否支持拜登政府推動重新加入 2015 年伊朗核協議時,阿卜杜拉含糊其辭,該協議被稱為聯合綜合行動計劃。在維也納重啟德黑蘭與六國(美國、俄羅斯、中國、德國、法國和英國)之間的協議的談判已陷入停滯,儘管預計談判只會在 8 月恢復。

阿卜杜拉說:“在我們這個地區,美國人希望能夠與伊朗人討論的許多投資組合存在合理的擔憂,”他補充說,這包括約旦特別關注的問題。

“核計劃對以色列的影響就像對海灣地區一樣,”阿卜杜拉說。

然而,阿卜杜拉補充說,他認為美國和伊朗在維也納會談中的立場“有些不同”。

約旦國王指出阿拉伯聯合酋長國科威特和沙特阿拉伯為與伊朗接觸以緩和緊張局勢所做的努力。

阿卜杜拉補充說:“讓我們希望這些會談能讓我們處於一個更好的位置,讓我們能夠平靜該地區,因為我們面臨著如此多的挑戰。”

國王上周訪問美國期間與美國有線電視新聞網進行了交談,他訪問了白宮,成為第一位與美國會面的中東執行領導人

伊拉克總理穆斯塔法·卡迪米定於週一會見拜登,美國和以色列官員正在努力安排拜登與總理納夫塔利·貝內特很快會面

Jordan has been attacked by Iranian-made drones - King Abdullah

"Unfortunately, Jordan has been attacked by drones that have come out that are Iranian signature that we have to deal with," Abdullah said to CNN.

By TZVI JOFFRE, TOVAH LAZAROFF

JULY 26, 2021 12:12

Jordan's King Abdullah II speaks after being welcomed by US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) to the US Capitol in Washington, US, July 22, 2021.

(photo credit: REUTERS/ELIZABETH FRANTZ)

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Iranian-made drones and missiles have attacked Jordan in increasing numbers, King Abdullah told CNN on Sunday, as he described the dangers the Hashemite Kingdom and the region faces from the Islamic Republic.

"Unfortunately, Jordan has been attacked by drones that have come out that are Iranian signature that we have to deal with," Abdullah told CNN's Fareed Zakaria. He clarified that the drone attacks had taken place over the past year and had increased.

Abdullah listed a number of issues related to Iran, including the nuclear program, ballistic missile development, cyberattacks, and skirmishes along Jordan's borders.

Iran's "ballistic technology has improved dramatically. We've seen that, unfortunately, against American bases in Iraq. We've seen Saudi being the recipient of missiles out of Yemen. Israel from Syria and Lebanon, to an extent," the king said.

"What misses Israel sometimes lands in Jordan… Add to that [the] increased cyberattacks on many of our countries. The firefights on our borders have increased almost to the times when we were at the high end with Da'esh [ISIS]," Abdullah stated as he highlighted the dangers to his kingdom.

Israel, over the last years, has shot down a number of Iranian-made drones along its northern fronts and its border with Jordan, including during Operation Guardian of the Walls.

Israel has hit Iranian targets in Syria from the air and Damascus has often launched missile against the aircraft carrying out the attacks that have landed in Jordanian territory.

In the CNN interview, Abdullah was vague when asked if he supported the Biden administration's push to rejoin the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. Talks in Vienna to reactivate the deal between Tehran and the six world powers – the US, Russia, China, Germany, France and the United Kingdom – have stalled although discussions are expected to resume only in August.

"There are legitimate concerns in our part of the world on a lot of portfolios that the Americans are hopefully going to be able to discuss with the Iranians," Abdullah said, adding that this included issues of specific concern for Jordan.

"The nuclear program affects Israel as it does the Gulf," said Abdullah.

Abdullah added, however, that he felt that the American and Iranian positions in the Vienna talks are "somewhat far apart."

The Jordanian king pointed to efforts by the United Arab Emirates Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, to engage with Iran in order to lower tensions.

"Let's hope that those talks get us to a better position where we can calm the region because we have so many challenges," Abdullah added.

The king spoke with CNN during his trip to the US in which he visited the White House last week and he became the first executive Middle Eastern leader to meet with US

Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi is set to meet Biden on Monday and US and Israeli officials are working on scheduling a meeting soon between Biden and Prime Minister Naftali Bennett.

Omri Nahmias, Anna Ahronheim and Reuters contributed to this report.

“年輕衛兵”是巴勒斯坦權力機構的秘密力量嗎?

拉馬拉的巴勒斯坦人將侯賽因·謝赫和馬吉德·法拉傑描述為巴勒斯坦權力機構的“事實上的領導人”,並表示他們比任何其他巴勒斯坦官員都擁有更大的權力。

哈利·阿布·托梅

2021 年 7 月 26 日 22:08

巴勒斯坦權力機構民政部長侯賽因·謝赫在他位於拉馬拉的辦公室接受媒體專線採訪。

(圖片來源:媒體行)

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Hussein al-Sheikh 和 Majed Faraj 最近幾個月成為巴勒斯坦權力機構中最有權勢的領導人,這是巴勒斯坦公開的秘密 。

60 歲的謝赫和 59 歲的法拉傑屬於巴勒斯坦人的年輕衛隊領導層。在過去的幾年裡,兩人成為了 86 歲的巴勒斯坦民族權力機構主席馬哈茂德·阿巴斯最信任的助手。

謝赫和法拉吉陪同阿巴斯參加他在拉馬拉和世界各地舉行的幾乎每一次會議。

“他們與阿巴斯總統非常親近,”一位前巴勒斯坦權力機構官員說。“總統比任何人都更信任他們。”

星期一在拉馬拉的巴勒斯坦人將兩人描述為巴勒斯坦權力機構的“事實上的領導人”,並表示他們比任何其他巴勒斯坦官員都擁有更大的權力。

一些人將謝赫描述為真正的總理,而另一些人則表示他們認為法拉傑是國防部長。

謝赫是法塔赫中央委員會的民選成員,自 2007 年以來一直領導民政總局。在此職位上,他負責協調巴勒斯坦權力機構和以色列在西岸和加沙地帶的民事事務。

在 70 年代和 80 年代多次被以色列當局拘留,謝赫與許多以色列安全和文職官員保持著密切的關係。

在2020 年 11 月與以色列談判的前巴解組織主席Saeb Erekat去世後 ,謝赫似乎接替他成為巴勒斯坦權力機構的主要發言人之一,特別是在與停滯的與以色列和平進程有關的問題上。

兩名巴勒斯坦高級官員告訴耶路撒冷郵報,謝赫現在擔任阿巴斯的高級政治顧問。

FARAJ 自 2009 年起擔任巴勒斯坦權力機構總情報局局長,近年來也成為巴勒斯坦領域的主要參與者。和謝赫一樣,他也是阿巴斯值得信賴的知己。

Faraj出生在伯利恆附近的Dehaishe難民營,在70年代和80年代的不同時期也被以色列安全當局拘留過。

據說 Faraj 還與以色列安全和文職官員建立了密切聯繫。此外,他還負責協調巴勒斯坦權力機構安全部隊與美國和其他國際各方的接觸。

“法拉吉和謝赫是親密的朋友,”拉馬拉的一名巴勒斯坦政治分析人士說。“兩人被認為是盟友,但他們也樹敵很多,尤其是在將自己視為阿巴斯的自然接班人的法塔赫領導人中。”

Sheikh-Faraj 聯盟及其與阿巴斯的密切聯繫被視為對法塔赫兩名高級官員 Jibril Rajoub 和 Mahmoud al-Aloul 的打擊。

法塔赫秘書長拉朱布和副主席阿盧長期以來一直被吹捧為阿巴斯的潛在接班人。

“Hussein al-Sheikh 和 Majed Faraj 是後起之秀,”分析師告訴郵報。“他們比 Rajoub 和 al-Aloul 更強大、更有影響力。與拉霍布和阿魯爾不同,他們聽總統的話,與以色列人和美國人保持著良好的關係。”

一些巴勒斯坦人聲稱阿巴斯現在處於謝赫和法拉吉的“控制之下”。

“阿巴斯總統會做任何他們讓他做的事情,”一位資深的法塔赫官員說。“由於他們與以色列和美國的關係,他們非常強大。如果以色列人和美國人想從巴勒斯坦權力機構那裡得到什麼,他們知道該打電話給誰:侯賽因·謝赫和馬吉德·法拉傑。”

兩人還以反對巴勒斯坦權力機構和哈馬斯之間任何形式的和解而聞名,這一倡議得到了拉朱布和其他法塔赫領導人的大力支持。這意味著,只要謝赫和法拉傑繼續在巴勒斯坦權力機構擔任要職,結束法塔赫-哈馬斯爭端的可能性將保持為零。

如果兩者在後阿巴斯時代上台,那麼以色列、美國和歐盟都可以鬆一口氣。謝赫和法拉傑致力於恢復和平進程——更重要的是,他們相信與以色列的持續安全和民事協調。

Is the 'young guard' the secret power in the Palestinian Authority?

Palestinians in Ramallah described Hussein al-Sheikh and Majed Faraj as the “de facto leaders” of the PA and said they have more power than any other Palestinian official.

By KHALED ABU TOAMEH

JULY 26, 2021 22:08

Palestinian Authority Civil Affairs Minister Hussein Al-Sheikh speaks to The Media Line in his office in Ramallah.

(photo credit: THE MEDIA LINE)

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It’s an open secret among Palestinians that Hussein al-Sheikh and Majed Faraj have in recent months become the most powerful leaders in the Palestinian Authority.

Sheikh, 60, and Faraj, 59, belong to the young guard leadership of the Palestinians. The two have, over the past few years, become the most trusted aides of 86-year-old Mahmoud Abbas, the president of the PA.

Sheikh and Faraj accompany Abbas to almost every meeting he holds in Ramallah and around the world.

“They are very close to President Abbas,” said a former PA official. “The president trusts them more than anyone else.”

Palestinians in Ramallah on Monday described the two as the “de facto leaders” of the PA and said they have more power than any other Palestinian officials.

Israeli Air Force strikes Gaza Strip inresponse toincendiary balloons

Some described Sheikh as the real prime minister, while others said they considered Faraj a defense minister.

Sheikh, an elected member of the Fatah Central Committee, has been led the General Authority of Civil Affairs since 2007. In this capacity, he is in charge of coordination between the PA and Israel on civilian matters in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

Detained several times by Israeli authorities in the 70’s and 80’s, Sheikh maintains strong relations with many Israeli security and civilian officials.

After the death of former PLO chief Saeb Erekat, who negotiated with Israel in November 2020, Sheikh seemed to replace him as one of the main spokesmen of the PA, particularly regarding issues related to the stalled peace process with Israel.

Two senior Palestinian officials told The Jerusalem Post that Sheikh was now serving as a top political adviser to Abbas.

FARAJ, head of the PA General Intelligence Service since 2009, has also become in recent years a major player in the Palestinian arena. Like Sheikh, he is also a trusted confidant of Abbas.

Born in Dehaishe refugee camp near Bethlehem, Faraj was also detained by Israeli security authorities for different periods in the 70’s and 80’s.

Faraj is also said to have developed close connections with Israeli security and civilian officials. In addition, he is in charge of coordinating contacts between PA security forces and the US and other international parties.

“Faraj and al-Sheikh are close friends,” said a Palestinian political analyst in Ramallah. “The two are considered allies, but they have also made many enemies, especially among Fatah leaders who see themselves as natural successors to Abbas.”

The Sheikh-Faraj alliance and their close links to Abbas are seen as a blow to two senior Fatah officials: Jibril Rajoub and Mahmoud al-Aloul.

Rajoub, Secretary-General of Fatah, and Aloul, its deputy chairman, have long been touted as potential successors to Abbas.

“Hussein al-Sheikh and Majed Faraj are the rising stars,” the analyst told the Post. “They are much more powerful and influential than Rajoub and al-Aloul. They have the president’s ear and enjoy good relations with the Israelis and Americans, unlike Rajoub and al-Aloul.”

Some Palestinians claimed that Abbas was now “under the control” of Sheikh and Faraj.

“President Abbas will literally do anything they tell him to do,” said a veteran Fatah official. “They are very powerful, thanks to their connections with Israel and the US. If the Israelis and Americans want something from the Palestinian Authority, they know who to call: Hussein al-Sheikh and Majed Faraj.”

The two are also known for their opposition to any form of rapprochement between the PA and Hamas, an initiative strongly supported by Rajoub and other Fatah leaders. This means that as long as Sheikh and Faraj continue to hold senior positions in the PA, the possibility of ending the Fatah-Hamas dispute will remain zero.

If the two come to power in the post-Abbas era, then Israel, the US and the European Union can breathe a great sigh of relief. Sheikh and Faraj are committed to the resumption of the peace process – and, more importantly, they believe in continued security and civilian coordination with Israel.

“非正統猶太人是我們的兄弟”——Matan Kahana

宗教服務部長抨擊強硬的東正教團體擾亂西牆祈禱,嚴厲譴責卡什魯特改革。

作者:傑瑞米·沙龍

2021 年 7 月 26 日 21:21

週一,宗教服務部長馬坦·卡哈納( Matan Kahana)在反駁一項不信任動議時將非東正教猶太人描述為“兄弟”,猛烈抨擊 強硬的東正教激進分子在 Av 第九街的 西牆舉行的保守派祈禱服務中斷

在以色列議會全體會議的一場暴風雨會議上,部長經常因極端正統 MK 的尖叫和喊叫而無法聽到,卡哈納譴責這些激進分子和極端正統派反對他的 kashrut 改革缺乏對上帝的信仰和信心他們自己的宗教道路。

Kahana 正在為政府辯護,不受極端正統聯合托拉猶太教黨提交的不信任動議的影響,該動議由其 haredi 合作夥伴 Shas 共同簽署,該動議被稱為“非猶太政府”。

部長的話在全體會議上遭到了極端正統派 MK 的嚴厲譴責,UTJ 主席 MK Moshe Gafni 甚至稱 Kahana 為“Antiochus”,這是哈斯蒙尼派 (Hasmoneans) 時代猶太人的古老敵人。根除猶太人的習俗。

該動議與另外兩人一起以59比49輕鬆擊敗。

Kahana 的評論代表了他第一次個人提及 Av 事件 9 日的齋戒,他說這源於活動家自己的恐懼。

“對自己的猶太教沒有信心的人,對自己的信仰沒有信心的人,對自己的道路沒有信心的人,對上帝沒有信心的人總是處於恐懼之中,”部長說。

“有多少恐懼和恐懼,多少缺乏信心,才讓人們認為,在紀念因毫無根據的仇恨而毀壞聖殿的 Av 齋戒前夕,最好的主意是去打擾那些來到耶路撒冷為聖殿被毀而哭泣的人!” 他宣布。

卡哈納說:“我們不害怕……我們確定自己的道路,”並補充說,“當與我們想法不同的人來到西牆祈禱時,即使我們確定他們錯了,我們也不會感到害怕。他們是我們的兄弟——我們不想和他們打架——因為一個不害怕的人,一個不生活在恐懼中的人,知道拉近人們的方式是通過毫無根據的愛,而不是無限的仇恨。”

高級 UTJ MK Yaakov Litzman 在講台上提出了不信任動議,譴責聯盟是“分裂政府”,因為他所說的是對極端正統社區和宗教的攻擊。

他特別努力地譴責非正統猶太運動。

“這個政府煽動民眾反對極端正統派、反對宗教和反對猶太傳統,”利茲曼說。

“你們已經向我們的孩子開戰了,”他繼續說,他提到了父親在猶太學校全日制學習的家庭的育兒補貼即將削減,並補充說政府“違反了所有 10 條誡命”。

利茲曼再次將聯盟描述為“改革政府”,正如他在多個場合所做的那樣,他說“改革[運動]摧毀了美國的宗教——這個政府希望在以色列做同樣的事情。”

'Non-Orthodox Jews are our brothers' - Matan Kahana

Religious services minister blasts hardline Orthodox groups for disturbing Western Wall prayer, harsh denunciations of kashrut reform.

By JEREMY SHARON

JULY 26, 2021 21:21

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Religious Services Minister Matan Kahana described non-Orthodox Jews as “brothers” during his rebuttal to a motion of no-confidence on Monday, lambasting the interruption of a Conservative prayer service at the Western Wall on the Ninth of Av fast by hardline Orthodox activists.

In a tempestuous session in the Knesset plenum in which the minister frequently could not be heard over the screaming and shouting of ultra-Orthodox MKs, Kahana denounced such activists and the ultra-Orthodox opposition to his kashrut reforms as lacking faith in God and confidence in their own religious path.

Kahana was defending the government from a motion of no-confidence submitted by the ultra-Orthodox United Torah Judaism Party and co-signed by its haredi partner Shas, a motion which was labeled the “non-kosher government.”

The minister’s words were met with bitter denunciation by the ultra-Orthodox MKs in the plenum, with UTJ chairman MK Moshe Gafni going so far as to call Kahana “Antiochus,” the ancient enemy of the Jews in the time of the Hasmoneans who sought to eradicate Jewish practice.

The motion, together with two others, was easily defeated 59 to 49.

Kahana’s comments represent his first personal reference to the Fast of the 9th of Av events, which he said stemmed from the activists’ own fear.

“Someone with no confidence in their Judaism, someone with no confidence in their faith, someone with no confidence in their path, someone with no confidence in God is always in fear,” said the minister.

“How much fear and fright, how much lack of confidence, does it take to make people think that the best idea on the eve of the Fast of Av – which commemorates the destruction of the Temple due to baseless hatred – is to go and disturb people who have come to Jerusalem to cry over the destruction of the Temple!” he declared.

Kahana said that “we are not afraid… we are certain of our path,” adding that, “When people who think differently from us come to pray at the Western Wall, even when we are certain they are mistaken, we are not horrified. They are our brothers – we don’t want to fight with them – because someone who is not afraid, someone who does not live in fear, knows that the way to draw people close is through baseless love and not unbound hatred.”

Senior UTJ MK Yaakov Litzman had proposed the no-confidence motion from the podium, denouncing the coalition as “the government of division” for what he said were its attacks on the ultra-Orthodox community and religion.

And he took particular pains to denounce the non-Orthodox Jewish movements.

“This government has incited the general population against the ultra-Orthodox, against religion and against Jewish tradition,” said Litzman.

“You have opened war against our children,” he continued, in reference to pending cuts to child-care subsidies for families in which the father studies full time in yeshiva, adding that the government had “transgressed all 10 commandments.”

Litzman again described the coalition as “a Reform government,” as he has done on several occasions, saying that “the Reform [movement] destroyed religion in America – and this government wants to do the same thing here in Israel.”

Ben-Gvir 與以色列議會的引座員發生衝突

蒂比命令猶太復國主義宗教黨 MK 被撤職,但他拒絕服從。

通過GIL HOFFMAN

2021 年 7 月 26 日 23:23

週一晚上,在以色列議會副議長艾哈邁德·蒂比(聯合名單)命令他離開後, 宗教猶太復國主義黨 MK Itamar Ben-Gvir身體上抵制了引座員將他從以色列議會全體會議講台上移走的企圖。

當本-格維爾沒有按照以色列議會協議規定正式稱蒂比為“尊敬的議長”開始他的演講時,幾個小時前被任命為副議長的蒂比試圖阻止他發言。Ben-Gvir 告訴 Tibi,他不光彩。

Ben-Gvir 告訴 Tibi,他是屬於敘利亞議會的恐怖分子。蒂比的回應是,按照以色列議會的程序,給本-格維爾三次機會收回他的話。

當 Ben-Gvir 拒絕時,Tibi 要求引導員將他從全會中帶走。Ben-Gvir 用身體擊退了守衛,回到了講台上。

Ben-Gvir 只是在以色列議會議長Mickey Levy進入全體會議並進行干預後才同意離開。

Likud MK Keti Shirit 指責引座員在移除 Ben-Gvir 時過於用力。

Ben-Gvir 要求 Levy 解僱 Tibi,並表示他將向尚未成立的以色列議會道德委員會提出上訴。

“艾哈邁德·蒂比是一名恐怖分子,他無權向招待員下達此類指示,”本-格維爾說。

工黨主席拉姆謝法說,本-格維爾應該為自己感到羞恥。

“你卑微的挑釁給以色列議會帶來了壞名聲,”謝法告訴本-格維爾

(在以色列政治上,有一小群極右翼的猶太種族主義者,他們的激進立場是連右翼政治人物都會害怕的。目前主要存在的激進右翼政黨或團體就是「Otzmat Yehudit與Lehava」。

前者是起源於90年代的”Kahane Chai”青年運動,他們反奧斯陸協議、反拉賓也反阿拉伯裔以色列人,認為應將阿拉伯裔以色列人驅逐出境,這個思潮的代表者是現任國會議員Itamar Ben Gvir,他的政黨則是新進入國會的「宗教猶太復國主義黨( Religious Zionist Party)」。

另外一個激進的團體”Lehava”則是以反同化、反對猶太人與任何非猶太人包括穆斯林與基督徒結婚著名的,只要他們發現有這種結婚的人,他們就會跑去騷擾或攻擊人家,他們對於提倡猶太阿拉伯人和平共存的雙語學校也反對,會跑去塗鴉或甚至縱火攻擊這樣的學校,此外他們也反對基督教在以色列境內的活動,也反同性戀,反對以色列婦女跟外族男性交往結婚,中心宗旨就是要維持猶太人種族純淨。這樣的種族主義跟猶太人的實際狀況不合,反而跟納粹提倡純淨的雅利安人血統非常相似。

Ben-Gvir scuffles with Knesset ushers

Tibi orders Religious Zionist Party MK's removal, but he refuses to comply.

By GIL HOFFMAN

JULY 26, 2021 23:23

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Ben-Gvir being removed from the Knesset plenum

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Religious Zionist Party MK Itamar Ben-Gvir physically resisted attempts by ushers to remove him from the rostrum of the Knesset plenum on Monday night after he was ordered to leave by Deputy Knesset Speaker Ahmad Tibi (Joint List).

When Ben-Gvir did not begin his speech by formally calling Tibi "honorable speaker," as Knesset protocol dictates, Tibi who was appointed a deputy speaker hours earlier, attempted to stop him from speaking. Ben-Gvir told Tibi that he was not honorable.

Ben-Gvir told Tibi that he is a terrorist who belongs in the Syrian parliament. Tibi responded by giving Ben-Gvir three chances to take back his words, following Knesset procedure.

When Ben-Gvir refused, Tibi asked the ushers to remove him from the plenum. Ben-Gvir physically fought off the guards and returned to the rostrum.

Ben-Gvir only agreed to leave after Knesset Speaker Mickey Levy came into the plenum and intervened.

Likud MK Keti Shirit accused the ushers for being too physical in removing Ben-Gvir.

Ben-Gvir asked Levy to fire Tibi and said he would appeal to the Knesset Ethics Committee, which has not yet been formed.

"Ahmad Tibi is a terrorist, who did not have the authority to give such directives to the ushers," Ben-Gvir said.

Labor faction chairman Ram Shefa said Ben-Gvir should be ashamed of himself.

"Your lowly provocations give the Knesset a bad name," Shefa told Ben-Gvir.

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