2022.01.03 國際新聞導讀-黎巴嫩全國對真主黨不滿到一個新高、俄軍空襲敘利亞反抗軍、伊朗不相信美國達成協議會遵守、南韓有人叛逃入北韓

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2022.01.03 國際新聞導讀-黎巴嫩全國對真主黨不滿到一個新高、俄軍空襲敘利亞反抗軍、伊朗不相信美國達成協議會遵守、南韓有人叛逃入北韓

黎巴嫩可能厭倦了真主黨——分析

定於明年舉行的黎巴嫩議會選舉將是自 2019 年民眾抗議活動發起以來的首次投票。

作者：KSENIA SVETLOVA/媒體行

發佈時間： 2022 年 1 月 2 日 02:11

更新時間： 2022 年 1 月 2 日 11:58

5 月，真主黨成員在黎巴嫩與以色列邊境附近的 Kfar Kila 舉著紀念抵抗和解放日的旗幟。

（圖片來源：AZIZ TAHER/REUTERS）

首先，是自由愛國運動（FPM）領導人、黎巴嫩總統米歇爾·奧恩的女婿格布蘭·巴西爾襲擊了什葉派伊斯蘭政黨真主黨，並表示其行為將產生“政治後果”反對他的政黨，因為它繼續阻止內閣開會。

然後奧恩發表了類似的聲明，稱“必須結束不合理的、蓄意的和系統的封鎖，這種封鎖會瓦解國家並將其推向滅亡”。內閣自 10 月以來就沒有開過會。

奧恩的自由愛國運動是黎巴嫩議會真主黨的盟友，在僵持 29 個月後，他於 2016 年因支持真主黨而當選總統。

真主黨迅速對奧恩的聲明作出反應，猛烈抨擊巴西爾——他在明年奧恩任期結束時有總統抱負——並表示巴西爾可能會失去支持。

與此同時，奧恩週四簽署了一項總統令，批准於 2022 年 5 月 15 日舉行立法選舉，比現任議會希望舉行的選舉晚了兩個月。

5 月，真主黨領導人哈桑·納斯魯拉 (Hassan Nasrallah) 的支持者在黎巴嫩與以色列邊境附近聚集在一個摩托車車隊中，紀念“抵抗和解放日”。（信用：阿齊茲·塔赫/路透社）

專家們質疑 FPM 的領導人是否真的在如此接近即將到來的 2022 年議會選舉時重新考慮他們與真主黨的關係，以及最近的這些聲明對黎巴嫩對真主黨日益增長的不滿情緒有何看法。

“對真主黨的批評正在迅速增加。很多人都在大聲談論它。這些天媒體非常好戰，也有通過社交網絡表達的批評，即 Twitter。2019 年（真主黨的）辦公室在他們自己基地中心的 Nabatiyeh 成為攻擊目標，”特拉維夫大學 Moshe Dayan 中東和非洲研究中心敘利亞和黎巴嫩事務專家 Moran Levanoni 博士告訴 The媒體專線。

“最近似乎怨恨情緒越來越大，尤其是在貝魯特港發生爆炸之後。此外，（真主黨領袖哈桑）納斯魯拉承諾為能源危機提供解決方案，但他從伊朗運油船的嘗試失敗了。他沒有成功地做任何有意義的事情。因此，當奧恩說他所說的話時，他不僅針對外國的耳朵，而且針對對真主黨所作所為不滿意的國內觀眾，”他補充道。

主持流行的三語網站中東透明的黎巴嫩記者和研究員皮埃爾·阿克爾說，經濟和政治危機嚴重損害了真主黨的聲譽和知名度。

“我相信真主黨在人氣方面已經結束了。我很感激今天有超過 80% 的（選民）反對他們。畢竟，什葉派黎巴嫩人和其他人一樣都餓了。即使他們在銀行里有錢，他們也無法提取，因為一個人現在每個月最多只能提取 400 美元，”阿克爾告訴媒體專線。“人們很窮，當他們去藥店給孩子買奶粉時，他們沒有錢支付，因為他們不是伊朗人，也不是真主黨激進分子。真主黨也不得不削減自己戰士的薪水，但他們仍然是唯一有錢的人。因此，接近真主黨板塊的富人和一無所有的富人之間存在階級鬥爭。”

與此同時，以色列研究員、沙勒姆中心講師、耶路撒冷希伯來大學哈里·S·杜魯門促進和平研究所研究員尤斯里·哈茲蘭博士說，儘管奧恩最近發表了聲明和巴西爾，他們與真主黨的政治聯盟還沒有結束。

“選舉即將來臨，因此很難相信這些話會廢除政治忠誠和聯盟。此外，真主黨實際上並不是應對當前經濟危機負責的傳統黎巴嫩精英的一部分。這就是該組織想要宣傳的形象，”哈茲蘭告訴媒體專線。他補充說，真主黨決心防止與基督徒發生裂痕，這可以解釋 10 月 14 日“貝魯特槍擊事件後的有限反應”，其中 7 人在什葉派團體阿邁勒和真主黨組織的抗議活動中喪生。要求罷免正在調查 2020 年貝魯特爆炸事件的法官 Tarek Bitar。真主黨將死亡歸咎於黎巴嫩軍隊指揮官薩米爾·吉亞（Samir Geagea）的部隊。

“真主黨對在黎巴嫩引發內戰不感興趣，他們也不想為一個失敗的國家負責，”哈茲蘭說。

多年來，真主黨依靠它在什葉派人口稠密地區建立的社會經濟結構，以提高其在貧困和被剝奪基礎上的聲望和支持。慈善機構、免費診所和兒童教育設施是在多年來被國家當局忽視的地方建立的。它通過其金融機構 Al-Qard al-Hassan 提供小額貸款，隨著經濟危機的惡化，它向其他社區提供幫助，而不僅僅是什葉派。然而，最近，伊朗和敘利亞嚴峻的經濟現實以及美國在南美對該組織的推動，給真主黨帶來了現金問題。一些人質疑該運動是否能夠繼續經營其許多社會經濟服務以維持其民眾支持。

“黎巴嫩每 10 天需要 7 艘油輪。我們說的是每月 30 艘油輪。納斯魯拉帶來了一個，”常駐巴黎並密切關注黎巴嫩事態發展的阿克爾說。阿克爾說，該集團不再擁有以前享有的巨額資金。

萊瓦諾尼說，就目前而言，社會經濟結構仍然存在。

“真主黨嚴重依賴非法經濟，即他們與敘利亞人一起經營的毒品行動。所以那些與真主黨關係密切的人確實得到了一些援助，包括發電機燃料和補貼藥品、貸款等。當然，這些措施不能完全解決問題，而且情況非常嚴重。”他說。

專家們對黎巴嫩政治平衡可能發生的變化持悲觀態度。

“誰能進行革命？只有那天吃過早餐的人。如果當前的事態發展會顯著改變這種情況，我會感到非常驚訝。真主黨正在失去支持，但就目前而言，還不足以將其擠出，”萊瓦諾尼說。

與此同時，阿克爾以及黎巴嫩的許多人都認為，奧恩和他的女婿最近的言論只是一種虛偽的行為。

作家兼中東分析家、美國智庫中東論壇研究員喬納森·斯派爾認為，奧恩的聲明確實意義重大，即使沒有立即發生衝突。

“伊斯蘭革命衛隊在阿拉伯國家植入‘真主黨’的戰略存在缺陷，即容易導致社會和經濟失敗。這在黎巴嫩現在最為明顯，奧恩顯然試圖對此提出反趨勢，主張修復與海灣合作委員會國家的關係。與此同時，奧恩和其他未與真主黨軍隊結盟的人不能也不會對其核心戰略路徑提出正面挑戰，因為其作為伊朗地區戰略的一個要素，”斯派爾告訴媒體專線。

目前，定於明年舉行的黎巴嫩議會選舉將是自2019 年發起民眾抗議活動以來的首次投票。目前，它們能否按計劃舉行，以及厭倦了一場選舉的黎巴嫩人是否能確定經濟衰退和腐敗政客之間無休止的鬥爭將能夠投票並選擇更美好的未來。

Lebanon may be getting tired of Hezbollah - analysis

Parliamentary elections in Lebanon that are scheduled for next year will be the first vote since the popular protests were launched in 2019.

By KSENIA SVETLOVA/THE MEDIA LINE

Published: JANUARY 2, 2022 02:11

Updated: JANUARY 2, 2022 11:58

HEZBOLLAH MEMBERS hold flags marking Resistance and Liberation Day, in Kfar Kila near the Lebanese border with Israel in May.

(photo credit: AZIZ TAHER/REUTERS)

First, it was Gebran Bassil, leader of the Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) and the son-in-law of Lebanon’s President Michel Aoun, who attacked the Shia Islamist political party Hezbollah and said that there would be “political consequences” for its actions against his party as it continues blocking the Cabinet from meeting.

Then Aoun made a similar statement, saying that “unjustified, deliberate and systematic blockage which dismantles the state and drives it to its demise must be ended.” The Cabinet has not met since October.

Aoun’s Free Patriotic Movement is an ally of Hezbollah in the Lebanese parliament and in 2016 he was elected the president due to its support after 29 months of stalemate.

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Lebanon 'failed state' under Hezbollah leadership, says party's ally

Hezbollah quickly reacted to the Aoun statement by slamming Bassil – who has presidential aspirations when Aoun’s term ends next year – and indicating that Bassil might be losing its support.

Meanwhile, Aoun on Thursday signed a presidential decree approving legislative elections for May 15, 2022, two months later than the current parliament had wanted it to take place.

SUPPORTERS OF Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah gather in a convoy of motorbikes marking ‘Resistance and Liberation Day’, near the Lebanese border with Israel, in May. (credit: AZIZ TAHER/REUTERS)

Experts are questioning whether the leaders of FPM are truly reconsidering their ties with Hezbollah so close to the upcoming 2022 parliamentary elections, and what such recent statements say about the growing resentment against Hezbollah in Lebanon.

“The criticism against Hezbollah is growing fast. Many people are talking about it out loud. The press is very militant these days, and there is also a criticism that is expressed through social networks, namely Twitter. In 2019 (Hezbollah’s) offices were targeted in Nabatiyeh, in the heart of their own base,” Dr. Moran Levanoni, an expert on Syria and Lebanon affairs for the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies at Tel Aviv University, told The Media Line.

“Lately it seems that the resentment is growing, especially after the explosion at Beirut Port. Also, (Hezbollah leader Hassan) Nasrallah promised to provide a solution to the energy crisis, but his attempt to bring oil ships from Iran has failed. He didn’t succeed to do anything meaningful. So, when Aoun says what he says, he aims not only to foreign ears, but also to the domestic audience that is unhappy with what Hezbollah does,” he added.

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Pierre Akel, a Lebanese journalist and researcher who hosts the popular trilingual website Middle East Transparent, says that the economic and political crisis has badly hurt Hezbollah’s reputation and popularity.

“I believe that Hezbollah is finished popularity-wise. I appreciate that today more than 80% (of voters) are against them. After all, the Shia Lebanese are hungry like everybody else. Even if they have money in the bank, they can’t withdraw it, as a person can only withdraw up to $400 each month now,” Akel told The Media Line. “The people are poor and when they are going to the pharmacy to buy some milk powder for their children they do not have the dollars to pay, as they are not Iranians and not Hezbollah activists. Hezbollah also had to cut the salaries for its own fighters, but still they are the only ones who have the money. So, there is a class struggle between the rich who are close to Hezbollah’s plate, and those who are lacking everything.”

At the same time, Israeli researcher Dr. Yusri Hazran, a lecturer at the Shalem Center and a research fellow at the Harry S. Truman Institute for the Advancement of Peace at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, says that despite the recent statements made by Aoun and Bassil, their political alliance with Hezbollah is not over yet.

“The elections are coming up, therefore it’s hard to believe that the words will annul political loyalties and alliances. Also, Hezbollah is not really a part of the traditional Lebanese elites that are to blame for the current economic crisis. That’s the image that the group wants to promote,” Hazran told The Media Line. He added that Hezbollah is determined to prevent a rift with the Christians, which would explain the “limited and measured reaction after the shoot-up in Beirut” on October 14 in which seven people were killed during a protest organized by Shiite groups Amal and Hezbollah to demand the removal of Tarek Bitar, the judge who is investigating the 2020 blast in Beirut. Hezbollah blamed the troops of Lebanese Forces Commander Samir Geagea for the deaths.

“Hezbollah is not interested in igniting a civil war in Lebanon, neither do they want responsibility for a failed state,” Hazran said.

For years Hezbollah relied on the socioeconomic structures that it created in Shia-populated areas in order to increase its popularity and support among its poor and deprived base. Charities, free clinics and educational facilities for children were created in places that had been neglected by state authorities for many years. It gave small loans through its financial arm, Al-Qard al-Hassan, and as the economic crisis became worse it made help available to other communities and not only to Shiites. However, lately, the harsh economic realities in both Iran and Syria and the push by the United States against the group in South America have created a cash problem for Hezbollah. Some question whether the movement will be able to continue operating its many socioeconomic services to maintain its popular support.

“Lebanon needs seven oil tankers every 10 days. We are talking 30 tankers per month. Nasrallah brought one,” said Akel, who is based in Paris and closely follows developments in Lebanon. Akel says that the group no longer has at its disposal the sums of money that it used to enjoy before.

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Levanoni says that for now, the socioeconomic structures are still holding.

“Hezbollah heavily relies on the illicit economy, namely the drug operation that they are running together with the Syrians. So those who are close to Hezbollah do enjoy some aid, including fuel for generators and subsidized drugs, loans, etc. Of course, these measures won’t solve the problem entirely and the situation is very grave,” he said.

The experts are pessimistic about a possible change in the political equation in Lebanon.

“Who can perform a revolution? Only a person who had breakfast that day. I will be very surprised if the current developments will change the situation significantly. Hezbollah is losing support, but for now, it’s not enough to squeeze it out,” said Levanoni.

Meanwhile, Akel, as well as many people in Lebanon, feel that the recent statements by Aoun and his son-in-law were merely an act of hypocrisy.

Jonathan Spyer, an author and Mideast analyst who is a fellow at the American think tank Middle East Forum, believes that Aoun’s statements were indeed significant, even if no immediate confrontation follows.

“The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ strategy of implanting ‘Hezbollah's’ in Arab countries has the flaw that it tends to produce social and economic failure. This is most apparent in Lebanon right now and Aoun is clearly trying to offer a counter-trend to this, advocating repair of relations with Gulf Cooperation Council states. At the same time, neither Aoun nor others not allied with Hezbollah forces cannot and will not offer a frontal challenge to its core strategic path regarding its function as an element of Iranian regional strategy,” Spyer told the Media Line.

For now, the parliamentary elections in Lebanon that are scheduled for next year will be the first vote since the popular protests were launched in 2019. Currently, there is little certainty that they will take place as planned and that the Lebanese who are tired of a failing economy and endless fights between corrupt politicians will be able to cast their votes and choose a better future.

黎巴嫩真主黨領導下的“失敗國家”，該黨的盟友說

真主黨盟友 Gebran Bassil 抨擊真主黨阻止黎巴嫩內閣開會。

通過TZVI JOFFRE

發佈時間： 2022 年 1 月 2 日 21:56

2020 年 7 月 7 日，黎巴嫩西頓附近的一條街道上，一幅真主黨旗幟和一張描繪黎巴嫩真主黨領導人賽義德·哈桑·納斯魯拉的海報合照

（圖片來源：路透社/ALI HASHISHO）

據黎巴嫩媒體報導，真主黨盟友自由愛國運動 (FPM) 負責人格布蘭·巴西爾 (Gebran Bassil)週日抨擊真主黨在黎巴嫩內閣中拖延了兩個多月，稱該國是真主黨領導下的“失敗者”。

FPM 和真主黨自 2006 年簽署諒解備忘錄以來一直是盟友，當時他們簽署了名為 Mar Mikhael 協議的諒解備忘錄。該協議在兩黨之間建立了聯盟，並表達了對有關黎巴嫩國家結構的若干原則的承諾。

納哈內特說，巴西爾呼籲對黎巴嫩的整個政府體系進行重大變革，他說“我們想要一個文職、世俗的國家、強大的軍隊、生產性經濟和獨立的外交政策”。

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談到真主黨拒絕召開內閣會議，除非塔雷克·比塔爾法官從貝魯特港口爆炸案中被免職，巴西爾表示憤慨，“有些人將協商一致的民主變成了對每個教派的否決權，他們正在利用它來癱瘓內閣或甚至阻止對普通決議進行投票。”

巴西爾還強調，“抵抗”（指真主黨的軍隊）必須保持在國家之下，而不是在國家之上。“我們不能因為抵抗而失去國家。”

2021 年 10 月 19 日，黎巴嫩最大的基督教集團自由愛國運動的領導人 Gebran Bassil 在黎巴嫩貝魯特的聯合國教科文組織宮舉行議會會議後發表講話。（圖片來源：REUTERS/ISSAM ABDALLAH）

FPM領導人還對真主黨維持與阿邁勒黨的聯盟表示憤慨，指責阿邁勒在議會中拖延投票。巴西爾聲稱真主黨手頭的問題沒有答案，他們唯一的答案是“貝里！” 根據納哈內特的說法。

“黎巴嫩不能沒有國家！他們（真主黨）正在失去人們的同情，問題已經出現在所有社區，來自所有方向和教派，包括盟友和競爭對手，”巴西爾強調說。“我已經警告說，這個問題已經深入 FPM 的基礎，當我不再相信某些事情，我不會試圖說服他們。”

儘管受到真主黨的批評，巴西爾強調，FPM 仍然選擇了 Mar Mikhael 協議而不是加入基督教黎巴嫩軍隊，並表示該部隊的領導人薩米爾·蓋吉亞“一直與外國利益有關，無論是以色列還是美國。 ”

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他們已經這樣做了好幾次。內塔尼亞胡用他的非猶太人第二任妻子欺騙了他懷孕的第一任妻子，在娶了空姐薩拉·本-阿爾齊作為他的第三任妻子後，他在懷有他們的兒子亞爾的同時也欺騙了她。他在全國電視直播中承認了這件事，並且他仍然第一次當選為利庫德集團領導人。

利庫德集團成員一次又一次證明，他們最關心的問題是安全。這就是為什麼巴爾卡特試圖強調他的軍隊服務和他在最近的群眾集會上消滅的恐怖分子。

科恩在反對伊朗核計劃方面取得的成功是有據可查的，在他為樹立以色列最大膽的領導人之一的形象而競選任何事情之前，世界其他地方的行動有足夠的時間被洩露。

這三場對未來三個競爭對手的攻擊，最終可能都會幫助他們。但也許下一次罷工會更有效。或者之後的那個。

難怪大多數利庫德黨人希望內塔尼亞胡盡可能長時間地堅持下去，推遲接替他的鬥爭以及它對黨造成的所有損害。

正如利庫德集團主席亞里夫·萊文本週末在接受以色列Hayom採訪時警告的那樣，“如果內塔尼亞胡不領導利庫德集團，我們將徹底摧毀自己。”

三名未來的認真候選人面臨著在政治上結束他們並嚴重阻礙他們未來的激烈企圖

通過GIL HOFFMAN

發佈時間： 2022 年 1 月 2 日 16:11

更新時間： 2022 年 1 月 2 日 21:14

反對黨領袖本傑明·內塔尼亞胡上週在以色列議會的利庫德集團會議上發表講話。

（照片來源：OLIVIER FITOUSSI/FLASH90）

在過去的兩周里，接替反對派領導人本雅明·內塔尼亞胡擔任利庫德集團首腦的鬥爭開始了。

And if it continues the way it started, it will be among the dirtiest and nastiest elections in Israel’s history.

Three future serious candidates faced fierce attempts to finish them off politically and severely handicap their future.

The candidate leading in the polls, MK Nir Barkat, faced the anti-Barkat bill, which would limit any elected official and his family to donations of NIS 100,000 a year for political activity when no elections are taking place. The bill was initiated by MK David Amsalem, who has feuded with him for more than a decade, and it was enthusiastically endorsed by the heads of Yamina, New Hope and Yesh Atid.

The most veteran Likudnik, MK Israel Katz, endured open fire from Netanyahu himself, who accused him of no less than destroying the country’s future, because he has not done enough to purge the Likud of activists who want to shift the party leftward. Netanyahu threatened Katz that the 130,000 Likud members would never forgive him.

Likud MK Israel Katz speaks during a Conference of Heads of Local Authorities, in Ramat Negev, southern Israel, July 22, 2021. (credit: FLASH90)

And the one apparent future candidate who Netanyahu once endorsed only half-jokingly to succeed him, former Mossad chief Yossi Cohen, faced an investigative report on Channel 13 that accused him of having an extramarital affair with a married stewardess and proceeding to destroy her husband’s life while globe-trotting for trysts with her and allegedly revealing state secrets.

Cohen is not a member of Likud yet, and he cannot join any party until his three-year cooling-off period ends on June 1, 2024. But the bitter ex-husband is a Likud member, and he did not hide the fact that one of his reasons for cooperating with the probe was that he wants the public to know Cohen’s dark side and prevent him from becoming Likud leader and prime minister.

The success of the attacks on Barkat, Katz and Cohen will take time to evaluate. Much will depend on the memories of Likud voters when they actually cast ballots in a post-Netanyahu primary that could take place anywhere from next year to next decade.

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Barkat’s associates are already comparing Amsalem to Balaam, the biblical figure who was scolded by his own ass on the way to cursing the Jewish people and ended up blessing them against his will. No amount of money Barkat could have spent would anoint him as Netanyahu’s heir apparent more than a high-profile effort to bring him down by three party leaders and nearly half the Likud faction.

A cap on fundraising and spending could indeed harm a new candidate who still needs to meet the Likud’s rank and file. If so, Amsalem struck a couple years too late. Barkat has already had a chance to wine and dine a sizable portion of Likud activists and members, and he still has time before the bill would pass into law.

The bill could instead harm fellow candidate Yuli Edelstein, who is willing to run against Netanyahu and whose wife, Irina Nevzlin, is the daughter of an oligarch. Or it could harm Cohen, who is making tons of money heading the Israel office of the largest venture-capital fund in the world. SoftBank, the Japanese firm that runs the VC, has more than $100 billion in committed capital, and it has backed such global powerhouses as Alibaba, TikTok and Uber.

The Barkat bill currently does not apply to Cohen because he is not an elected official. But it could damage him significantly as a freshman MK seeking the Likud leadership without the connections enjoyed by competitors like Katz, who has had more than 30 years to get to know the Likud’s grassroots.

“He will have to work hard to run in Likud,” Barkat said of Cohen in an interview with Channel 12 on Saturday.

Similarly, Netanyahu’s attack on Katz is probably too late to hit the mark. If Katz, as head of the Likud’s governing secretariat, helped thousands of ideologically flexible people join the party, little can be done to stop him now. Even the Likud’s internal court, which is known for rubber-stamping Netanyahu’s decisions, did not agree to expel the so-called New Likudniks en masse based on social-media posts criticizing their party leader.

So that leaves the attack on Cohen. Would Likud members elect a leader who repeatedly cheated on his wife and hit on a flight attendant?

They’ve already done that several times. Netanyahu cheated on his pregnant first wife with his non-Jewish second wife, and after marrying stewardess Sara Ben-Artzi as his third wife, he cheated on her, too, while pregnant with their son Yair. He admitted to that affair on live, national TV, and he still got elected Likud leader the first time.

Likud members have proven time and time again that the issue they care most about is security. That is why Barkat tried to highlight his army service and the terrorist he neutralized at his latest mass rally.

Cohen’s successes against Iran’s nuclear program are well-documented, and there is plenty of time for operations elsewhere in the world to be leaked before he runs for anything in order to build up his image as one of Israel’s most daring leaders.

These three attacks on three future competitors may all end up boomeranging and helping them. But perhaps the next strike will be more effective. Or the one after that.

It is no wonder that most Likudniks want Netanyahu to hang on for as long as possible and delay the fight to succeed him and all the damage it will do to the party.

As Likud faction chairman Yariv Levin warned this weekend in an interview with Israel Hayom, “If Netanyahu will not head the Likud, we will completely destroy ourselves.”

以色列外交部工作人員舉黑旗抗議

“工人們並沒有要求加薪；他們想要被剝奪的權利。”

通過LAHAV哈爾科夫

發佈時間： 2022 年 1 月 2 日 12:51

更新時間： 2022 年 1 月 2 日 18:00

外交部工作人員抗議他們的工作條件，2022 年 1 月 2 日。

（圖片來源：MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/耶路撒冷郵報）

週日上午，外交部工作人員在外交部的旗桿上升起了一面黑旗，以抗議他們的工作條件。

100多名員工站在部門大樓外，上面寫著“不要依賴我們”和“愛國者買不起雜貨”等標語。

截至上週，外交部工人工會成員停止工作超過正常時間，因為他們沒有加班費。該指示以特殊電報形式發給以色列駐外使團。

來自 Jpost 的最新文章

外交部工會領導表示，“看到外交部長選擇無視致力於工作的外交部工作人員的呼聲，而不是帶頭解決問題和談判，我們感到很痛心。”

“如果需要，我們將關閉外交部，”耶路撒冷國家工會主席 Dani Bonfil 說。“工人不是要求加薪；他們想要被剝奪的權利。我們將不遺餘力地保護工人的權利。”

2021 年 8 月 11 日，外交部長 Yair Lapid 與摩洛哥外交部長 Nasser Bourita 在摩洛哥拉巴特的外交部。（圖片來源：SHLOMI AMSALEM/GPO）

最近幾週，在給外交部長亞伊爾·拉皮德 (Yair Lapid) 一個改善他們條件的機會之後，工人工會升級了其言辭和策略。

當俄羅斯外交部長謝爾蓋拉夫羅夫上個月因個人原因正式取消他對以色列的訪問時，工會聲稱這是因為外交部工作人員拒絕處理他的旅行，並表示拉皮德對他們的要求不採取行動損害了以色列的外交關係。

工會還發布了一段諷刺視頻，其中一位扮演拉皮德的演員說他“擁抱”了外交部的工作人員，但當被問及他將如何幫助他們時，他只說他會更多地擁抱他們。

外交部的預算面臨持續削減，國家審計長在 2020 年的一份重要報告中指出。2019 年，預算降至 13.85 億新謝克爾，儘管該部的必要開支為 1.53 新謝克爾。與2018年相比，2019年政府各部委預算平均增長5.7%，但外交部預算下降14.7%。

外交部工作人員首當其衝。加班費已取消，但許多人除了在當地時間工作外，還必須與位於遙遠時區的以色列大使館和領事館保持聯繫。他們每個月只有兩天“隨叫隨到”的日子獲得報酬，而實際上，他們中的許多人需要在整個月中每天 24 小時可用。

至於國外的工人，工會報告說，COVID-19 增加了領事服務人員的工作量，他們必須處理進入以色列的請求，增加了許多沒有報酬的工作時間。

雖然工會和財政部的工資和就業協議司於 2017 年達成協議，提高外交部的工資——這是自 2000 年以來的第一次——但工會表示，派駐國外外交官的費用已被削減，因此他們的收入比以前少了。

他們現在必須為語言課程支付更多費用，而這需要在世界各地的以色列大使館和領事館工作，而國家為外交官子女的教育支付的費用更少。

Israeli Foreign Ministry workers raise black flag in protest

“The workers are not asking for a raise; they want the rights that were taken from them."

By LAHAV HARKOV

Published: JANUARY 2, 2022 12:51

Updated: JANUARY 2, 2022 18:00

Foreign Ministry workers protesting their work conditions, January 2, 2022.

(photo credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST)

Foreign Ministry workers raised a black flag on the ministry’s flagpole on Sunday morning, to protest their work conditions.

Over 100 employees stood outside the ministry building with signs reading slogans like “don’t rely on us” and “you can’t pay for groceries with patriotism.”

As of last week, the Foreign Ministry Workers Union members stopped working past regular hours, because they are not paid overtime. The instruction went out in a special cable to Israeli missions abroad.