2021.09.06 國際新聞導讀-塔利班頒布女性上學須知要男女隔離最好是女教師或老男人教師、埃及主導重啟以巴和平進程、以國外長將赴莫斯科與俄外長見面、以國猶太新年今晚開始,全世界猶太人口達1520萬、600萬在美國、700萬在以色列

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2021.09.06 國際新聞導讀-塔利班頒布女性上學須知要男女隔離最好是女教師或老男人教師、埃及主導重啟以巴和平進程、以國外長將赴莫斯科與俄外長見面、以國猶太新年今晚開始,全世界猶太人口達1520萬、600萬在美國、700萬在以色列

塔利班命令女學生在學年開始時掩蓋

在一項新法令中,阿富汗的教育機構必須按性別進行隔離,女性必須戴面紗遮住大部分臉

通過的EMAL HAIDARY今天,下午 6:36

2021 年 9 月 2 日,阿富汗婦女在喀布爾的一條街道上走過一名塔利班戰士。(Aamir QURESHI / AFP)

阿富汗喀布爾(法新社)——塔利班已經下令,在阿富汗私立大學上學的女性必須穿著長袍,面紗覆蓋大部分面部,並且課程必須按性別分開——或者至少用窗簾隔開。

在塔利班教育當局發布的一份冗長文件中,大學被要求只為女學生提供女教師,但如果這不可能,那麼性格好的“老人”可以填補。

該法令適用於私立學院和大學,自 2001 年塔利班第一次統治結束以來,私立學院和大學如雨後春筍般湧現。

在此期間,女孩和婦女大多被排斥在教育之外,因為關於同性教室的規定以及她們離開家時必須有男性親屬陪伴的規定。

週六晚些時候發布的新規定並沒有要求女性穿全身罩袍,但面紗有效地遮住了大部分臉,只露出眼睛。

近年來,罩袍和麵紗基本上從喀布爾的街道上消失了,但在較小的城鎮中更常見。

2021 年 9 月 4 日,阿富汗喀布爾,婦女聚集在塔利班統治下要求她們的權利。(美聯社 / Kathy Gannon)

該法令出台之際,私立大學準備在周一開學。

“大學必鬚根據其設施為女學生招聘女教師,”該法令說,並補充說男女應使用不同的出入口。如果不能聘用女教師,那麼大學“應該盡量聘用有良好行為記錄的老男教師”。

廣告

雖然女性現在必須單獨學習,但她們也必須比男性提前五分鐘結束課程,以防止她們在外面混在一起。根據塔利班高等教育部發布的法令,他們必須待在候診室,直到男同事離開大樓。

“實際上,這是一個艱難的計劃——我們沒有足夠的女教師或班級來隔離女孩,”一位不願透露姓名的大學教授說。“但事實上,他們允許女孩上學和大學是一個很大的積極步驟,”他告訴法新社。

阿富汗的新統治者承諾比他們第一次掌權時更加寬容,這也是在多年的衝突之後發生的——首先是 1979 年的蘇聯入侵,然後是血腥的內戰。

2021 年 9 月 4 日,阿富汗喀布爾發生抗議後,婦女權利活動家法哈特·波帕爾扎伊 (Farhat Popalzai) 在接受美聯社採訪時發表講話。 (AP/Kathy Gannon)

他們承諾建立一個更“包容”的政府,代表阿富汗複雜的民族構成——儘管女性不太可能被納入高層。

在過去的 20 年裡,自塔利班上次執政以來,大學錄取率急劇上升,尤其是女性。

在塔利班以閃電般的軍事行動返回之前,上個月進入首都喀布爾,女性與男性一起學習,並與男性教授一起參加研討會。

廣告

但近年來對教育中心的一系列致命襲擊引發了恐慌。

塔利班否認是襲擊的幕後黑手,其中一些襲擊是伊斯蘭國家組織當地分會聲稱的。

Taliban orders female students to cover up as academic year set to begin

In a new decree, educational institutions in Afghanistan must be segregated by sex, and women must wear a niqab covering most of the face

By EMAL HAIDARYToday, 6:36 pm

Afghan women walk past a Taliban fighter along a street in Kabul on September 2, 2021. (Aamir QURESHI / AFP)

KABUL, Afghanistan (AFP) — Women attending private Afghan universities must wear an abaya robe and niqab covering most of the face, the Taliban has ordered, and classes must be segregated by sex — or at least divided by a curtain.

In a lengthy document issued by the Taliban’s education authority, universities were ordered to provide only women teachers to female students, but if that was not possible then “old men” of good character could fill in.

The decree applies to private colleges and universities, which have mushroomed since the Taliban’s first rule ended in 2001.

During that period, girls and women were mostly excluded from education because of rules regarding same-sex classrooms and the insistence they had to be accompanied by a male relative whenever they left the house.

There was no order for women to wear the all-enveloping burqa in the new regulations issued late Saturday, but the niqab effectively covers most of the face, leaving just the eyes exposed.

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In recent years, burqas and niqabs have largely vanished from the streets of Kabul, but are seen more frequently in smaller cities and towns.

Women gather to demand their rights under the Taliban rule during a protest in Kabul, Afghanistan, on September 4, 2021. (AP/Kathy Gannon)

The decree comes as private universities prepare to open on Monday.

“Universities are required to recruit female teachers for female students based on their facilities,” the decree said, adding that men and women should use separate entrances and exits. If it is not possible to hire women teachers, then colleges “should try to hire old men teachers who have a good record of behavior.”

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While women now have to study separately, they must also end their lesson five minutes earlier than men to stop them from mingling outside. They must then stay in waiting rooms until their male counterparts have left the building, according to the decree issued by the Taliban Higher Education Ministry.

“Practically, it is a difficult plan — we don’t have enough female instructors or classes to segregate the girls,” said a university professor, who asked not to be named. “But the fact that they are allowing girls to go to schools and universities is a big positive step,” he told AFP.

Afghanistan’s new rulers have pledged to be more accommodating than during their first stint in power, which also came after years of conflict — first the Soviet invasion of 1979, and then a bloody civil war.

Farhat Popalzai, a women’s rights activist, speaks during an interview with The Associated press after a protest in Kabul, Afghanistan, September 4, 2021. (AP/Kathy Gannon)

They have promised a more “inclusive” government that represents Afghanistan’s complex ethnic makeup — though women are unlikely to be included at the top levels.

Over the past 20 years, since the Taliban were last in power, university admission rates have risen dramatically, particularly among women.

Before the Taliban returned in a lightning military campaign, entering the capital Kabul last month, women studied alongside men and attended seminars with male professors.

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But a spate of deadly attacks on education centers in recent years sparked panic.

The Taliban denied being behind the attacks, some of which were claimed by the local chapter of the Islamic State group.

美國將軍警告阿富汗面臨“更廣泛的內戰”

塔利班部隊繼續在最後一個頑強的潘杰希爾山谷省與抵抗戰士作戰

大衛·福克斯今天,下午 6:51

2021 年 9 月 5 日,阿富汗工人走過喀布爾路邊的一幅壁畫。(HOSHANG HASHIMI / 法新社)

阿富汗喀布爾(法新社)——週日,塔利班武裝分子深入最後一個頑強的潘杰希爾省,因為美國最高將軍警告說,阿富汗正面臨一場更廣泛的內戰,這將為恐怖主義的死灰復燃提供肥沃的土壤。

繼上個月阿富汗軍隊閃電般潰敗之後——以及週一最後一批美軍在經過 20 年戰爭後飛出的慶祝活動——塔利班正尋求粉碎保衛多山的潘杰希爾山谷的抵抗力量。

塔利班三週前進入喀布爾,分析人士說,即使是強硬的伊斯蘭主義者自己也可能感到驚訝,但他們尚未最終確定他們的新政權。

但美國最高將軍馬克米利質疑他們是否可以在尋求從游擊隊向政府轉變的過程中鞏固權力。

參謀長聯席會議主席米利在一個黯淡的評估中說:“我認為至少有很大的可能性會爆發更廣泛的內戰。” “這將反過來導致實際上可能導致基地組織重組或伊斯蘭國增長的情況,”他週六告訴福克斯新聞。

阿富汗的新統治者承諾比他們第一次掌權時更加寬容,這也是在多年的衝突之後發生的——首先是 1979 年的蘇聯入侵,然後是血腥的內戰。

2021 年 9 月 1 日,一名阿富汗抵抗運動成員在潘杰希爾省阿納​​巴區達爾班德地區的山頂上巡邏。(Ahmad SAHEL ARMAN / 法新社)

他們承諾建立一個更“包容”的政府,代表阿富汗複雜的民族構成——儘管女性不太可能被納入高層。然而,塔利班教育當局在周日發布的一份冗長文件中表示,這一次女性將被允許上大學,只要班級按性別隔離或至少用窗簾隔開。

女學生還必須穿著 abaya(長袍)和 niqab(面紗),這與前塔利班政權強制要求的更為保守的罩袍相反。

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週六,數十名婦女在喀布爾連續第二天抗議,要求獲得工作和融入政府的權利,社交媒體剪輯顯示塔利班戰士試圖驅散示威者。

Panjshir 是喀布爾北部一個崎嶇的山谷,在反對蘇聯佔領和塔利班 1996-2001 年的第一次統治期間堅持了近十年,幾乎沒有人相信塔利班的承諾。

塔利班官員 Bilal Karimi 週日報告說,潘杰希爾發生了嚴重衝突,雖然抵抗戰士堅稱他們已經將伊斯蘭主義者拒之門外,但分析人士警告說,他們正在苦苦掙扎。

意大利緊急救援機構表示,塔利班部隊已經抵達 Anabah 的 Panjshir 村,在那裡他們經營著一家外科中心。

阿富汗抵抗運動和反塔利班起義部隊於 2021 年 9 月 2 日在潘杰希爾省達拉區的 Malimah 地區參加軍事訓練,因為該山谷仍然是反塔利班部隊的最後一個主要據點。(艾哈邁德·薩赫勒·阿曼/法新社)

“最近幾天,許多人從當地村莊逃離,”緊急救援隊在周六的一份聲明中說,並補充說它將繼續提供醫療服務並治療“少數傷員”。

阿納巴位於 115 公里長的山谷內以北約 25 公里(15 英里)處,但未經證實的報導表明塔利班也佔領了其他地區。

廣告

總部位於美國的《長期戰爭雜誌》的總編輯比爾·羅吉奧週日表示,雖然仍有“戰爭迷霧”——有未經證實的報導稱塔利班佔領了多個地區——但“看起來很糟糕。”

雙方都聲稱給對方造成了重大損失。

“塔利班軍隊已經在 20 年的戰爭中變得堅強,”羅吉奧週日在推特上寫道,並補充說潘杰希爾抵抗的“可能性很大”。羅焦指出,在美國撤軍和軍隊垮台後,塔利班繳獲了“大量武器”。

阿富汗前副總統阿姆魯拉·薩利赫與傳奇的反塔利班指揮官艾哈邁德·沙阿·馬蘇德的兒子艾哈邁德·馬蘇德一起躲在潘杰希爾,他警告說形勢嚴峻。

在一份聲明中,薩利赫談到了一場“大規模的人道主義危機”,數千人“因塔利班的襲擊而流離失所”。

潘杰希爾山谷周圍環繞著鋸齒狀的白雪皚皚的山峰,提供了天然的防禦優勢,戰鬥機在前進的部隊面前化為烏有,然後從高處向山谷發射伏擊。

美國國務卿安東尼·布林肯於 2021 年 8 月 25 日在華盛頓特區的威拉德酒店與總理納夫塔利·貝內特會面時發表講話。(奧利維爾·杜利埃里 / POOL / AFP)

國際社會正在接受必須通過一系列外交手段來應對新的塔利班政權。

美國國務卿安東尼·布林肯將於週一抵達卡塔爾,卡塔爾是阿富汗傳奇的關鍵人物,也是塔利班政治辦公室的所在地,但預計他不會與武裝分子會面。

然後,他將前往德國,與德國外交部長海科·馬斯 (Heiko Maas) 一起主持一場由 20 國組成的阿富汗問題虛擬部長級會議。

廣告

聯合國秘書長安東尼奧·古特雷斯也定於 9 月 13 日在日內瓦召開阿富汗問題高級別會議,重點討論對該國的人道主義援助。

US general warns that Afghanistan faces a ‘broader civil war’

Taliban forces continue to battle resistance fighters in the last holdout province of Panjshir Valley

By DAVID FOXToday, 6:51 pm

Afghan workers walk past a wall mural along a roadside in Kabul on September 5, 2021. (HOSHANG HASHIMI / AFP)

KABUL, Afghanistan (AFP) — Taliban fighters advanced deep into the last holdout province of Panjshir on Sunday, as the top US general warned that Afghanistan was facing a wider civil war that would offer fertile ground for a resurgence of terrorism.

Following their lightning-fast rout of Afghanistan’s army last month — and celebrations when the last US troops flew out after 20 years of war on Monday — the Taliban is seeking to crush resistance forces defending the mountainous Panjshir Valley.

The Taliban, who rolled into Kabul three weeks ago at a speed that analysts say likely surprised even the hardline Islamists themselves, have yet to finalize their new regime.

But top US General Mark Milley questioned whether they can consolidate power as they seek to shift from a guerrilla force to government.

“I think there’s at least a very good probability of a broader civil war,” said Milley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, in a bleak assessment. “That will then in turn lead to conditions that could, in fact, lead to a reconstitution of Al-Qaeda or a growth of ISIS,” he told Fox News on Saturday.

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Afghanistan’s new rulers have pledged to be more accommodating than during their first stint in power, which also came after years of conflict — first the Soviet invasion of 1979, and then a bloody civil war.

An Afghan resistance movement member patrols on a hilltop in Darband area in Anaba district, Panjshir province on September 1, 2021. (Ahmad SAHEL ARMAN / AFP)

They have promised a more “inclusive” government that represents Afghanistan’s complex ethnic makeup — though women are unlikely to be included at the top levels. However, this time women will be allowed to attend university as long as classes are segregated by sex or at least divided by a curtain, the Taliban’s education authority said in a lengthy document issued on Sunday.

Female students must also wear an abaya (robe) and niqab (face-veil), as opposed to the even more conservative burqa mandatory under the previous Taliban regime.

ADVERTISEMENT

Dozens of women protested for a second day in Kabul on Saturday to demand the right to work and inclusion in the government, with social media clips showing Taliban fighters attempting to disperse the demonstrators.

Few in Panjshir, a rugged valley north of Kabul that held out for nearly a decade against the Soviet Union’s occupation and also the Taliban’s first rule in 1996-2001, seem to trust the Taliban’s promises.

Taliban official Bilal Karimi on Sunday reported heavy clashes in Panjshir, and while resistance fighters insist they have the Islamists at bay, analysts warned they are struggling.

The Italian aid agency Emergency said Taliban forces had reached the Panjshir village of Anabah, where they run a surgical center.

Afghan resistance movement and anti-Taliban uprising forces take part in a military training at Malimah area of Dara district in Panjshir province on September 2, 2021 as the valley remains the last major holdout of anti-Taliban forces. (Ahmad SAHEL ARMAN / AFP)

“Many people have fled from local villages in recent days,” Emergency said in a statement on Saturday, adding it was continuing to provide medical services and treating a “small number of wounded.”

Anabah lies some 25 kilometers (15 miles) north inside the 115-kilometer-long valley, but unconfirmed reports suggested the Taliban had seized other areas too.

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Bill Roggio, managing editor of the US-based Long War Journal, said Sunday that while there was still a “fog of war” — with unconfirmed reports the Taliban had captured multiple districts — “it looks bad.”

Both sides claim to have inflicted heavy losses on the other.

“The Taliban army has been hardened with 20 years of war,” Roggio tweeted Sunday, adding that “the odds were long” for the Panjshir resistance. Roggio noted that the Taliban seized “a massive amount of weapons” after the US withdrawal and the collapse of the army.

Former Afghan vice president Amrullah Saleh, who is holed out in Panjshir alongside Ahmad Massoud — the son of legendary anti-Taliban commander Ahmad Shah Massoud — warned of a grim situation.

In a statement, Saleh spoke of a “large-scale humanitarian crisis,” with thousands “displaced by the Taliban onslaught.”

The Panjshir Valley, surrounded by jagged snow-capped peaks, offers a natural defensive advantage, with fighters melting away in the face of advancing forces, then launching ambushes firing from the high tops down into the valley.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken speaks during a meeting with Prime Minister Naftali Bennett at the Willard Hotel in Washington, DC, on August 25, 2021. (Olivier DOULIERY / POOL / AFP)

The international community is coming to terms with having to deal with the new Taliban regime with a flurry of diplomacy.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken is due Monday in Qatar, a key player in the Afghan saga and the location of the Taliban’s political office, though he is not expected to meet with the militants.

He will then travel to Germany to lead a virtual 20-nation ministerial meeting on Afghanistan alongside German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas.

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United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres is also set to convene a high-level meeting on Afghanistan in Geneva on September 13, to focus on humanitarian assistance for the country.

US general warns that Afghanistan faces a ‘broader civil war’

Taliban forces continue to battle resistance fighters in the last holdout province of Panjshir Valley

By DAVID FOXToday, 6:51 pm

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·

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·

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Afghan workers walk past a wall mural along a roadside in Kabul on September 5, 2021. (HOSHANG HASHIMI / AFP)

KABUL, Afghanistan (AFP) — Taliban fighters advanced deep into the last holdout province of Panjshir on Sunday, as the top US general warned that Afghanistan was facing a wider civil war that would offer fertile ground for a resurgence of terrorism.

Following their lightning-fast rout of Afghanistan’s army last month — and celebrations when the last US troops flew out after 20 years of war on Monday — the Taliban is seeking to crush resistance forces defending the mountainous Panjshir Valley.

The Taliban, who rolled into Kabul three weeks ago at a speed that analysts say likely surprised even the hardline Islamists themselves, have yet to finalize their new regime.

But top US General Mark Milley questioned whether they can consolidate power as they seek to shift from a guerrilla force to government.

“I think there’s at least a very good probability of a broader civil war,” said Milley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, in a bleak assessment. “That will then in turn lead to conditions that could, in fact, lead to a reconstitution of Al-Qaeda or a growth of ISIS,” he told Fox News on Saturday.

Get The Times of Israel's Daily Editionby email and never miss our top stories

表單的頂端

Newsletter email addressGET IT

表單的底部

By signing up, you agree to the terms

Afghanistan’s new rulers have pledged to be more accommodating than during their first stint in power, which also came after years of conflict — first the Soviet invasion of 1979, and then a bloody civil war.

An Afghan resistance movement member patrols on a hilltop in Darband area in Anaba district, Panjshir province on September 1, 2021. (Ahmad SAHEL ARMAN / AFP)

They have promised a more “inclusive” government that represents Afghanistan’s complex ethnic makeup — though women are unlikely to be included at the top levels. However, this time women will be allowed to attend university as long as classes are segregated by sex or at least divided by a curtain, the Taliban’s education authority said in a lengthy document issued on Sunday.

Female students must also wear an abaya (robe) and niqab (face-veil), as opposed to the even more conservative burqa mandatory under the previous Taliban regime.

ADVERTISEMENT

Dozens of women protested for a second day in Kabul on Saturday to demand the right to work and inclusion in the government, with social media clips showing Taliban fighters attempting to disperse the demonstrators.

Few in Panjshir, a rugged valley north of Kabul that held out for nearly a decade against the Soviet Union’s occupation and also the Taliban’s first rule in 1996-2001, seem to trust the Taliban’s promises.

Taliban official Bilal Karimi on Sunday reported heavy clashes in Panjshir, and while resistance fighters insist they have the Islamists at bay, analysts warned they are struggling.

The Italian aid agency Emergency said Taliban forces had reached the Panjshir village of Anabah, where they run a surgical center.

Afghan resistance movement and anti-Taliban uprising forces take part in a military training at Malimah area of Dara district in Panjshir province on September 2, 2021 as the valley remains the last major holdout of anti-Taliban forces. (Ahmad SAHEL ARMAN / AFP)

“Many people have fled from local villages in recent days,” Emergency said in a statement on Saturday, adding it was continuing to provide medical services and treating a “small number of wounded.”

Anabah lies some 25 kilometers (15 miles) north inside the 115-kilometer-long valley, but unconfirmed reports suggested the Taliban had seized other areas too.

ADVERTISEMENT

Bill Roggio, managing editor of the US-based Long War Journal, said Sunday that while there was still a “fog of war” — with unconfirmed reports the Taliban had captured multiple districts — “it looks bad.”

Both sides claim to have inflicted heavy losses on the other.

“The Taliban army has been hardened with 20 years of war,” Roggio tweeted Sunday, adding that “the odds were long” for the Panjshir resistance. Roggio noted that the Taliban seized “a massive amount of weapons” after the US withdrawal and the collapse of the army.

Former Afghan vice president Amrullah Saleh, who is holed out in Panjshir alongside Ahmad Massoud — the son of legendary anti-Taliban commander Ahmad Shah Massoud — warned of a grim situation.

In a statement, Saleh spoke of a “large-scale humanitarian crisis,” with thousands “displaced by the Taliban onslaught.”

The Panjshir Valley, surrounded by jagged snow-capped peaks, offers a natural defensive advantage, with fighters melting away in the face of advancing forces, then launching ambushes firing from the high tops down into the valley.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken speaks during a meeting with Prime Minister Naftali Bennett at the Willard Hotel in Washington, DC, on August 25, 2021. (Olivier DOULIERY / POOL / AFP)

The international community is coming to terms with having to deal with the new Taliban regime with a flurry of diplomacy.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken is due Monday in Qatar, a key player in the Afghan saga and the location of the Taliban’s political office, though he is not expected to meet with the militants.

He will then travel to Germany to lead a virtual 20-nation ministerial meeting on Afghanistan alongside German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas.

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United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres is also set to convene a high-level meeting on Afghanistan in Geneva on September 13, to focus on humanitarian assistance for the country.

喀布爾超過 24 小時的殘暴、創傷——以及優雅的時刻

長期的敵人美國和塔利班重新進行了一次奇怪的合作,雙方都希望讓美國在該國的最後 24 小時工作正常進行

作者:TAMEEM AKHGARMATTHEW LEELOLITA C. BALDORRAHIM FAIEZCALVIN WOODWARD今天,上午 8:08

在 2021 年 8 月 21 日的這張美國海軍陸戰隊提供的文件照片中,美國海軍陸戰隊與特殊用途的海軍陸戰隊空地特遣部隊 - 危機應對 - 中央司令部,在喀布爾哈米德卡爾扎伊國際機場疏散期間在疏散控制檢查站提供援助,阿富汗。(參謀長 Victor Mancilla/美國海軍陸戰隊通過美聯社,文件)

美聯社——塔利班戰士和喀布爾的其他人一樣筋疲力盡,在長達 20 年的阿富汗戰爭的最後時刻看著夜空,尋找表明美國已經消失的信號彈。遠遠地,美國將軍們懷著同樣的期待觀看了視頻屏幕。

當最後一架美國飛機起飛時,戰爭的贏家和輸家都鬆了一口氣。

考慮到塔利班對婦女的無情和鎮壓的歷史,那些介於兩者之間和被拋在後面的人——可能是大多數尋求美國許可逃離的阿富汗盟軍——對接下來會發生的事情感到恐懼。對於在世界各地工作以安置阿富汗難民的數千名美國官員和志願者來說,他們仍然沒有休息。

正如美聯社在喀布爾所見證的那樣,正如美聯社從各方採訪的人所說的那樣,戰爭以殘酷的情節、持久的創傷、大規模的人道主義努力和優雅的時刻結束。

兩十年來的敵人被推入了一種奇怪的合作,加入了一個共同的目標——塔利班和美國聯合起來希望美國退出。他們也想避免另一次致命的恐怖襲擊。使最後 24 小時發揮作用對雙方都有利害關係。

在那段時間裡,美國人擔心極端分子會瞄準那些帶著最後一批美軍和官員起飛的笨重、吞食直升機的運輸機。相反,在夜視鏡的綠色色調中,美國人低頭看著停機坪上塔利班戰士的告別浪潮。

在美國空軍提供的這張 2021 年 8 月 22 日的檔案照片中,阿富汗乘客在阿富汗喀布爾的哈米德卡爾扎伊國際機場撤離阿富汗期間登上了美國空軍的 C-17 Globemaster III。(MSgt. Donald R. Allen/美國空軍通過美聯社,文件)

塔利班曾擔心美國人會在機場安裝地雷。相反,美國人給他們留下了兩輛有用的消防車和功能齊全的前端裝載機,以及一幅自我破壞的美國軍事機械的淒涼全景。

在頭頂上的美國撤離航班的持續雷聲中度過了幾個不眠之夜後,赫馬德·謝爾扎德在機場的崗位上與他的塔利班戰士一起慶祝。

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“我們高興得哭了將近一個小時,”謝爾扎德告訴美聯社。“我們大喊大叫——甚至我們的喉嚨都在疼痛。”

與此同時,在華盛頓郊外的五角大樓運營中心,你可以聽到最後一架 C-17 起飛時針掉在地上的聲音。即使隔著 COVID 口罩,您也可以聽到房間裡的高級軍事官員鬆了一口氣。喬拜登總統決心結束戰爭,並因其對撤軍的處理而面臨廣泛批評,他在與助手會面時從他的國家安全顧問那裡得到了這個消息。

“我拒絕派美國的下一代兒女去打一場早就該結束的戰爭,”他說。

參謀長聯席會議主席馬克米利將軍也在五角大樓旁觀。“我們所有人都與痛苦和憤怒、悲傷和悲傷的情緒發生衝突,”他後來說,“以及自豪和堅韌。”

在美國空軍提供的這張 2021 年 8 月 30 日的檔案照片中,分配到第 82 空降師的士兵準備在阿富汗喀布爾的哈米德卡爾扎伊國際機場登上美國空軍 C-17 環球霸王 III 型飛機。(高級飛行員泰勒克魯爾/美國空軍通過美聯社,文件)

這是令人痛心的 24 小時,週一晚上 11 點 59 分在喀布爾進行了最後一次 C-17 起飛。一些與美聯社談論那段時期的人要求匿名。這樣做的美國官員未被授權表明自己的身份。

機場瘋狂

在離開喀布爾之前,一名在國務院工作了 25 年的美國領事官員正忙於為符合條件的阿富汗人辦理特殊簽證,這些人通過塔利班、阿富汗軍隊和美國檢查站進入機場。她所看到的令人痛心。

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“人們必須經歷什麼才能進入,這太可怕了,”她說。“有些人等了三到五天。在裡面,我們可以聽到實彈被發射以阻止人群,而那些進來的人會告訴我們塔利班士兵拿著鞭子、釘著釘子的棍子、閃光彈和催淚瓦斯將人們推回去。”

她說,更令人不安的是進入機場與家人失散的兒童,其中一些是被美軍或其他人從擁擠的人群中偶然撿到的。在她在地面上的 12 天裡,每天有多達 30 名兒童獨自出現在疏散航班上,其中許多人感到困惑和恐懼。

挪威在機場為無人陪伴兒童設立的一個小單位很快就不堪重負,促使聯合國兒童基金會接管。聯合國兒童基金會目前正在卡塔爾為無人陪伴的兒童疏散中心開辦一個中心。

更廣泛地說,在阿富汗難民前往美國或被拒絕之前,美國派遣數千名員工前往歐洲和中東的六個以上地點進行篩选和處理。美國駐墨西哥、韓國、印度和其他地方的大使館設有虛擬呼叫中心,以處理大量電子郵件和疏散電話。

在 2021 年 8 月 30 日,美國陸軍第 82 空降師指揮官克里斯多納休少將通過夜視鏡拍攝的圖像在哈米德登上一架 C-17 貨機阿富汗喀布爾的卡爾扎伊國際機場作為最後一名離開該國的美國軍人。(Master Sgt. Alexander Burnett/US Army via AP, File)

在喀布爾的前幾天,許多阿富汗人被塔利班拒之門外;其他人被允許通過他們只是在美國檢查站被攔下。試圖弄清楚誰讓雙方都滿意並且能夠通過挑戰,這真是太瘋狂了。

一些塔利班士兵似乎是為了粗暴的正義;在機場與美軍面對面的最後幾個小時裡,其他人受到紀律處分,甚至是學院派。美國決定比戰鬥人員之間的協議要求提前一天離開,這讓一些人措手不及。

謝爾扎德說,他和其他塔利班士兵在機場給美國人送煙,還給仍然穿著他們解體軍隊制服的阿富汗人鼻煙。

他說,到那時,“每個人都很平靜。只是普通的閒聊。” 然而,“我們只是在計算完全獨立後升旗的時間。”

一位在喀布爾實地的國務院高級官員說,由於美國試圖提供給那些被優先撤離的人的電子代碼的病毒式傳播,美國讓處於危險中的阿富汗人和其他人進入機場的努力變得複雜。直到週一。

廣告

這位官員說,該密碼是為美國大使館的當地阿富汗工作人員準備的,它被廣泛而迅速地共享,幾乎所有尋求入境的人在分發後的一個小時內都在手機上收到了一份副本。

在這張未註明日期的照片中,赫馬德·謝爾扎德拿著他的 M-4 步槍,在阿富汗喀布爾的哈米德·卡爾扎伊國際機場外合影留念。(由美聯社 Hamed Sherzad 提供)

與此同時,這位官員說,一些美國公民與大批阿富汗人一起出現,其中許多人沒有資格優先撤離。還有一些阿富汗“企業家”會錯誤地聲稱在機場門口與一群處於危險中的阿富汗知名官員在一起。

這位官員在談到疏散選擇時說:“對於所有相關人員來說,這涉及到一些非常痛苦的權衡取捨。” “生活在那裡的每個人都被我們必須做出的選擇所困擾。”

這位官員說,在他看來,至少在軼事上,大多數因過去或現在與美國的關係而申請特殊簽證的阿富汗人並沒有成功。

障礙之一是機場本身的設計。它的建造限制了訪問以防止恐怖襲擊,並且不允許任何大量人員進入,更不用說成千上萬的人瘋狂地尋求進入。所有這一切都在不斷擔心來自伊斯蘭國分支的另一次襲擊中展開,該襲擊在 8 月 26 日的機場自殺式爆炸中造成 169 名阿富汗人和 13 名美國軍人喪生。

另一位熟悉這一過程的美國官員說,有時阿富汗人登上撤離飛機,但在起飛前被發現在禁飛名單上時才被拉下。

這位官員說,據了解,除了一名美國大使館僱員外,其他所有人都說出來了。那個人持有所需的特殊簽證,但不忍心拋下她的父母和其他親戚。這位官員說,儘管阿富汗和美國同事懇求乘坐前往機場的疏散巴士,她還是選擇留下來。

2021 年 8 月 31 日,阿富汗喀布爾,美軍撤離後,塔利班特種部隊戰士在哈米德卡爾扎伊國際機場外站崗。(美聯社照片/Khwaja Tawfiq Sediqi)

但 24 歲的前美國承包商薩利姆·亞維爾 (Salim Yawer) 在美國公民兄弟的幫助下獲得了簽證和通行證,但從未與 4 歲和 1 1/2 歲的妻子和孩子一起出去。在美國人離開之前,他們嘗試了四次到達機場。

“每次我們試圖走到門口時,我都害怕我的小孩子會被其他人踩在腳下,”他說。他也沒想到美國人會在周一離開,第二天他又回到了機場。

“那天晚上我們不知道美國人會把我們拋在後面,”Yawer 說。“星期一,仍然有美軍和飛機,人們心中充滿希望。但周二是令人失望的一天。……塔利班遍布整個地區,喀布爾的天空中再也沒有飛機了。”

Yawer 擁有一家喀布爾建築公司,並前往各個省份為美國陸軍工程兵團工作,他從位於 Kapisa 省北部的村莊說,他逃離了那裡。

倒數

美國官員說,8 月 29 日星期日晚上,在喀布爾,監視顯示有人將炸藥裝入汽車後備箱。美國已經觀察了這輛車幾個小時,有報導稱另一次伊斯蘭國激進分子襲擊的威脅迫在眉睫。一架美國 RQ-9 Reaper 無人機在兩座建築物之間的一個大院內向車輛發射了一枚地獄火導彈。美國官員說,監視顯示最初是導彈爆炸,隨後是一個巨大的火球,他們認為這是由車輛中的爆炸物引起的。鄰居們對美國關於一輛裝有爆炸物的車輛的說法提出異議。

在現場,納吉布拉·伊斯梅爾扎達說,他的姐夫澤馬賴·艾哈邁迪剛剛結束在韓國慈善機構工作的家。當他開車進車庫時,他的孩子們出來迎接他,就在這時導彈擊中了。

在 2021 年 8 月 20 日的這張由美國海軍陸戰隊提供的文件圖片中,美國海軍陸戰隊與特殊用途的海軍陸戰隊空地特遣部隊——危機應對——中央司令部在阿富汗喀布爾的哈米德卡爾扎伊國際機場疏散期間提供援助。(Lance Cpl. Nicholas Guevara/美國海軍陸戰隊通過美聯社,文件)

“我們失去了 10 名家庭成員,”伊斯梅爾扎達說。6 人的年齡從 2 歲到 8 歲不等。他說,另一名親戚 Naser Nejrabi 也被殺害,他是阿富汗軍隊的前士兵和美國軍隊的翻譯,還有兩名青少年。

無人機襲擊發生數小時後,拜登在特拉華州的多佛空軍基地見證了上周自殺式爆炸襲擊中喪生的 13 名美軍遺骸的尊嚴轉移,並會見了遇難者家屬。據熟悉總統與家屬交流情況的人士透露,他隨身攜帶的卡片上列有在伊拉克和阿富汗陣亡的美國軍人人數,已更新為“加 13”。

在當晚喀布爾機場的最後一次爭奪中,美國指揮官直接與塔利班溝通以將人們撤離,撤離人員被引導到特定的登機口。

— 週一上午 8 點左右,當五枚火箭向機場發射時,可以聽到爆炸聲。三架墜落在機場外,一架落入機場內但沒有損壞,一架被美國反火箭系統攔截。全員平安無事。

同樣,塔利班和美國人的共同敵人伊斯蘭國激進分子被懷疑是消息來源。

— 整個上午,在美國撤軍之前,最後 1,500 名左右的阿富汗人離開了該國,乘坐民用交通工具離開了該國。到下午 1 點 30 分,1,200 名美軍仍留在地面上,飛機開始將他們穩定地撤出。

美國空中力量——轟炸機、戰鬥機、武裝無人機和被稱為“小鳥”的特種作戰直升機——提供空中掩護。

——到傍晚時分,美軍完成了數天銷毀或拆除軍事裝備的工作。他們使 27 輛悍馬和 73 架飛機失靈,經常排放變速箱油和發動機油並運行發動機,直到它們被卡住。他們使用鋁熱劑手榴彈摧毀了那天早上攔截火箭的系統。用於民用機場用途的設備,如消防車,被留給新當局。

——最後只剩下不到1000人。五架 C-17 飛機在黑暗中起飛,機組人員受過專門訓練,可以在沒有空中交通管制的情況下在夜間飛入和飛出機場。

在伊利諾伊州的斯科特空軍基地,空中機動司令部指揮官杰奎琳·範奧沃斯特將軍在視頻屏幕上觀看了飛機滿員並排隊起飛。一張標誌性的照片顯示,第 82 空降師指揮官克里斯托弗·多納休少將帶著他的 M-4 步槍走進 C-17,並作為最後一名美國士兵進入阿富汗歷史。

清晰的訂單和信息記錄了最後的時刻。

“Chock 5 100% 佔了,”一條消息說,這意味著所有五架飛機都滿載並且所有人都佔了。“翻蓋”,一道命令傳來,意思是將C-17的斜坡一一收回。然後,“flush the force”,意思是出去。

——離午夜還有一分鐘,五人中的最後一人起飛了。

很快就傳來了“MAF Safe”的消息,這意味著機動空軍已經離開喀布爾領空並進入安全的天空。

美國將軍們鬆了口氣。在喀布爾的地面上,塔利班戰士 Mohammad Rassoul,在其他戰士中被稱為“阿富汗之鷹”,也一直在註視著。

“我們的眼睛盯著天空絕望地等待著,”他說。讓他睡了兩個晚上的飛機轟鳴聲停止了。機場的塔利班信號彈劃過天空。

“經過 20 年的奮鬥,我們實現了目標,”Rassoul 說。他敢於希望妻子、兩個女兒和兒子過上更好的生活。

他說:“我希望我的孩子在和平中成長。” “遠離無人機襲擊。”

Over 24 hours in Kabul, brutality, trauma — and moments of grace

Longtime enemies the US and the Taliban re thrust into a bizarre collaboration, and both sides had a stake in making America’s last 24 hours in the country work

By TAMEEM AKHGAR, MATTHEW LEE, LOLITA C. BALDOR, RAHIM FAIEZ and CALVIN WOODWARDToday, 8:08 am

In this August 21, 2021,file photo provided by the US Marines, US Marines with Special Purpose Marine Air-Ground Task Force - Crisis Response - Central Command, provide assistance at an evacuation control checkpoint during an evacuation at Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul, Afghanistan. (Staff Sgt. Victor Mancilla/US Marine Corps via AP, File)

AP — Bone-tired like everyone else in Kabul, Taliban fighters spent the last moments of the 20-year Afghanistan war watching the night skies for the flares that would signal the United States was gone. From afar, US generals watched video screens with the same anticipation.

Relief washed over the war’s winners and the losers when the final US plane took off.

For those in between and left behind — possibly a majority of the allied Afghans who sought US clearance to escape — fear spread about what comes next, given the Taliban’s history of ruthlessness and repression of women. And for thousands of US officials and volunteers working around the world to place Afghan refugees, there is still no rest.

As witnessed by The Associated Press in Kabul and as told by people The AP interviewed from all sides, the war ended with episodes of brutality, enduring trauma, a massive if fraught humanitarian effort and moments of grace.

Enemies for two decades were thrust into a bizarre collaboration, joined in a common goal — the Taliban and the United States were united in wanting the United States out. They wanted, too, to avoid another deadly terrorist attack. Both sides had a stake in making the last 24 hours work.

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In that stretch, the Americans worried that extremists would take aim at the hulking, helicopter-swallowing transport planes as they lifted off with the last US troops and officials. Instead, in the green tint of night-vision goggles, the Americans looked down to goodbye waves from Taliban fighters on the tarmac.

In this August 22, 2021, file photo provided by the US Air Force, Afghan passengers board a US Air Force C-17 Globemaster III during the Afghanistan evacuation at Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul, Afghanistan. (MSgt. Donald R. Allen/US Air Force via AP, File)

The Taliban had worried that the Americans would rig the airport with mines. Instead the Americans left them with two useful fire trucks and functional front-end loaders along with a bleak panorama of self-sabotaged US military machinery.

After several sleepless nights from the unrelenting thunder of US evacuation flights overhead, Hemad Sherzad joined his fellow Taliban fighters in celebration from his post at the airport.

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“We cried for almost an hour out of happiness,” Sherzad told AP. “We yelled a lot — even our throat was in pain.”

In the Pentagon operations center just outside Washington at the same time, you could hear a pin drop as the last C-17 took off. You could also hear sighs of relief from the top military officials in the room, even through COVID masks. President Joe Biden, determined to end the war and facing widespread criticism for his handling of the withdrawal, got the word from his national security adviser during a meeting with aides.

“I refused to send another generation of America’s sons and daughters to fight a war that should have ended long ago,” he said.

Gen. Mark Milley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, was among those watching at the Pentagon. “All of us are conflicted with feelings of pain and anger, sorrow and sadness,” he said later, “combined with pride and resilience.”

In this August 30, 2021, file photo provided by the US Air Force, soldiers, assigned to the 82nd Airborne Division, prepare to board a US Air Force C-17 Globemaster III aircraft at Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul, Afghanistan. (Senior Airman Taylor Crul/US Air Force via AP, File)

It was a harrowing 24 hours, capped Monday by the final C-17 takeoff at 11:59 p.m. in Kabul. Some who spoke to The AP about that period requested anonymity. US officials who did so were not authorized to identify themselves.

Airport madness

Before leaving Kabul, a US consular officer with 25 years at the State Department was busy trying to process special visas for qualifying Afghans who made it through the Taliban, Afghan military and US checkpoints into the airport. What she saw was wrenching.

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“It was horrendous what the people had to go through to get in,” she said. “Some people had spent three to five days waiting. On the inside we could hear the live ammunition being fired to keep the crowds back and the ones who made it in would tell us about Taliban soldiers with whips, sticks with nails in them, flash-bang grenades and tear gas pushing people back.”

Even more upsetting, she said, were the children who got inside the airport separated from family, some plucked by chance out of teeming crowds by US troops or others. As many as 30 children a day, many confused and all of them frightened, were showing up alone for evacuation flights during the 12 days she was on the ground.

A small unit at the airport for unaccompanied children set up by Norway was quickly overwhelmed, prompting UNICEF to take over. UNICEF is now running a center for unaccompanied child evacuees in Qatar.

More broadly, the US sent thousands of employees to more than a half-dozen spots around Europe and the Middle East for screening and processing Afghan refugees before they moved on to the United States, or were rejected. US embassies in Mexico, South Korea, India and elsewhere operated virtual call centers to handle the deluge of emails and calls on the evacuations.

In this August 30, 2021, image made through a night vision scope and provided by the US Army, Maj. Gen. Chris Donahue, commander of the US Army 82nd Airborne Division, XVIII Airborne Corps, boards a C-17 cargo plane at Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul, Afghanistan, as the final American service member to depart the country. (Master Sgt. Alexander Burnett/US Army via AP, File)

Over the previous days in Kabul, many Afghans were turned back by the Taliban; others were allowed past them only to be stopped at a US checkpoint. It was madness trying to sort out who satisfied both sides and could make it through the gauntlet.

Some Taliban soldiers appeared to be out for rough justice; others were disciplined, even collegial, over the last hours they spent face to face with US troops at the airport. Some were caught off-guard by the US decision to leave a day earlier than called for in the agreement between the combatants.

Sherzad said he and and fellow Taliban soldiers gave cigarettes to the Americans at the airport and snuff to Afghans still in the uniform of their disintegrating army.

By then, he said, “everyone was calm. Just normal chitchat.” Yet, “We were just counting minutes and moments for the time to rise our flag after full independence.”

US efforts to get at-risk Afghans and others onto the airport grounds were complicated by the viral spread of an electronic code that the US sought to provide to those given priority for evacuation, said a senior State Department official who was on the ground in Kabul until Monday.

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The official said the code, intended for local Afghan staff at the US Embassy, had been shared so widely and quickly that almost all people seeking entry had a copy on their phone within an hour of it being distributed.

In this undated image, Hemad Sherzad, holding his M-4 rifle, poses for a photo outside of Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul, Afghanistan. (Courtesy of Hamed Sherzad via AP)

At the same time, the official said, some US citizens showed up with large groups of Afghans, many not eligible for priority evacuation. And there were Afghan “entrepreneurs” who would falsely claim to be at an airport gate with groups of prominent at-risk Afghan officials.

“It involved some really painful trade-offs for everyone involved,” the official said of the selections for evacuation. “Everyone who lived it is haunted by the choices we had to make.”

The official said it appeared to him, at least anecdotally, that a majority of the Afghans who applied for special visas because of their past or present ties with the US did not make it out.

Among the hurdles was the design of the airport itself. It had been constructed with restrictive access to prevent terrorist attacks and did not lend itself to allowing any large groups of people inside, let alone thousands frantically seeking entry. All of this unfolded under constant fear of another attack from an Islamic State offshoot that killed 169 Afghans and 13 US service members in the August 26 suicide bombing at the airport.

There were times, said another US official familiar with the process, when Afghans made it on to evacuation planes, only to be pulled off before the flight when they were found to be on no-fly lists.

This official said that as far as is known, all but one US Embassy employee made it out. That person had the required special visa but couldn’t bear to leave her parents and other relatives behind. Despite pleading from Afghan and American colleagues to get on the evacuation bus to the airport, she opted to stay, the official said.

Taliban special force fighters stand guard outside the Hamid Karzai International Airport after the US military’s withdrawal, in Kabul, Afghanistan, August 31, 2021. (AP Photo/Khwaja Tawfiq Sediqi)

But a 24-year-old former US contractor, Salim Yawer, who obtained visas and a gate pass with the help of his brother, a US citizen, never got out with his wife and children aged 4 and 1 1/2. They tried four times to get to the airport before the Americans left.

“Each time we tried getting to the gate, I was afraid my small children would come under feet of other people,” he said. He, too, did not expect the Americans to leave Monday, and he went back to the airport the next day.

“We didn’t know that night that the Americans would leave us behind,” Yawer said. ”Monday, still, there were US forces and planes and hopes among people. But Tuesday was a day of disappointment. … Taliban were all over the area and there was no plane in the sky of Kabul anymore.”

Yawer owned a Kabul construction company and traveled to various provinces doing work for the US Army Corps of Engineers, he said from his village back in northern Kapisa province, where he fled.

Countdown

On the evening of Sunday, August 29, in Kabul, surveillance showed people loading explosives into the trunk of a vehicle, US officials said. The US had been watching the car for hours, with reports of an imminent threat of another Islamic State militant attack. An American RQ-9 Reaper drone launched a Hellfire missile into the vehicle, in a compound between two buildings. US officials said surveillance showed the initial missile explosion, followed by a large fireball, which they believed to be caused by the explosives in the vehicle. Neighbors disputed the US claims of a vehicle packed with explosives.

On the ground, Najibullah Ismailzada said his brother-in-law Zemarai Ahmadi had just arrived home from his job working with a Korean charity. As he drove into the garage, his children came out to greet him, and that’s when the missile struck.

In this August 20, 2021, file image provided by the US Marines, US Marines with Special Purpose Marine Air-Ground Task Force – Crisis Response – Central Command, provide assistance during an evacuation at Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul, Afghanistan. (Lance Cpl. Nicholas Guevara/US Marine Corps via AP, File)

“We lost 10 members of our family,” Ismailzada said. Six ranged in age from 2 to 8. He said another relative, Naser Nejrabi, who was an ex-soldier in the Afghan army and interpreter for the US military, also was killed, along with two teenagers.

Several hours after the drone strike, Biden was at Dover Air Force Base in Delaware to witness the dignified transfer of the remains of the 13 US troops killed in the previous week’s suicide bombing and to meet the bereaved families. The card he keeps with him, listing the number of American service members who have died in Iraq and Afghanistan, had been updated with “plus 13,” according to a person familiar with the president’s exchange with the families.

In the final scramble at the Kabul airport that evening, evacuees were directed to specific gates as US commanders communicated directly with the Taliban to get people out.

— About 8 a.m. Monday, explosions could be heard as five rockets were launched toward the airport. Three fell outside the airport, one landed inside but did no damage and one was intercepted by the US anti-rocket system. No one was hurt.

Again, Islamic State militants, common foe of both the Taliban and the Americans, were suspected as the source.

— Through the morning, the last 1,500 or so Afghans to get out of the country before the US withdrawal left on civilian transport. By 1:30 p.m., 1,200 US troops remained on the ground and flights began to move them steadily out.

US airpower — bombers, fighter jets, armed drones and the special operations helicopters known as Little Birds — provided air cover.

— Into the evening, US troops finished several days’ work destroying or removing military equipment. They disabled 27 Humvees and 73 aircraft, often draining transmission fluids and engine oil and running the engines until they seized. They used thermite grenades to destroy the system that had intercepted a rocket that morning. Equipment useful for civilian airport purposes, like the fire trucks, were left behind for the new authorities.

— At the end, fewer than 1,000 troops remained. Five C-17 planes came in darkness to take them out, with crews specially trained to fly into and out of airfields at night without air traffic control.

From Scott Air Force Base in Illinois, Gen. Jacqueline Van Ovost, commander of Air Mobility Command, watched on video screens as the aircraft filled and lined up for takeoff. An iconic image showed Maj. Gen. Christopher Donahue, commander of the 82nd Airborne Division, carrying his M-4 rifle as he walked into a C-17 and into history as the last of the US soldiers in Afghanistan.

Crisp orders and messages captured the last moments.

“Chock 5 100% accounted for,” said one message, meaning all five aircraft were fully loaded and all people accounted for. ”Clamshell,” came an order, meaning retract the C-17 ramps one by one. Then, “flush the force,” meaning get out.

— One minute to midnight, the last of the five took off.

Soon came the message “MAF Safe,” meaning the Mobility Air Forces were gone from Kabul air space and in safe skies.

The American generals relaxed. From the ground in Kabul, Taliban fighter Mohammad Rassoul, known among other fighters as “Afghan Eagle,” had been watching, too.

“Our eyes were on the sky desperately waiting,” he said. The roar of planes that had kept him up for two nights had stopped. The Taliban flares at the airport streaked the sky.

“After 20 years of struggle we achieved our target,” Rassoul said. He dared hope for a better life for his wife, two daughters and son.

“I want my children to grow up under peace,” he said. “Away from drone strikes.”

正如開羅所說推動新的巴勒斯坦會談,茜茜公主稱赫爾佐格為新年

領袖上週在開羅接待了巴勒斯坦民族權力機構主席馬哈茂德·阿巴斯和約旦國王阿卜杜拉,預計很快將歡迎納夫塔利·貝內特總理

艾米斯皮羅 今天,晚上 8:36

2021 年 9 月 2 日,約旦國王阿卜杜拉二世(左)、埃及總統阿卜杜勒-法塔赫·塞西(中)和巴勒斯坦權力機構主席馬哈茂德·阿巴斯出席在開羅舉行的三邊峰會。

埃及總統阿卜杜勒-法塔赫·塞西周日致電艾薩克·赫爾佐格總統,在猶太新年到來之前送上他最良好的祝愿,同一天,一家總部位於倫敦的報紙報導說,塞西正在推動啟動以巴和平談判。

據總統辦公室稱,西西周日晚上與赫爾佐格通了話,祝賀他擔任新職務,並在猶太節日之前向以色列國家送去祝福。

赫爾佐格的辦公室表示,兩人討論了“雙邊問題和鄰國共同關心的話題”,赫爾佐格感謝塞西“在維護該地區穩定與和平方面發揮的重要作用”。

週日早些時候,總部位於倫敦的 Rai al-Youm 在線報紙報導說,西西計劃很快推出一項倡議,以重啟以色列和巴勒斯坦人之間長期停滯的和平談判。

該報援引“高級”阿拉伯消息人士的話說,埃及情報部門將敲定一項和平倡議,該倡議一直在與未指明的阿拉伯和歐洲分子合作。

該報告沒有詳細說明該倡議將包括哪些內容,但聲稱埃及將在未來幾週內接待以色列、巴勒斯坦、美國、歐洲和阿拉伯官員,在正式公佈之前討論該提議。

艾薩克·赫爾佐格總統於 2021 年 9 月 2 日在特拉維夫舉行的以色列律師協會第十屆年會開幕式上致辭。(Amos Ben Gershom/GPO。)

已排除與巴勒斯坦權力機構啟動外交進程的總理納夫塔利·貝內特預計將在本月晚些時候訪問埃及,此前埃及間諜首領阿巴斯·卡邁勒在上個月訪問以色列期間收到了茜茜的邀請

該報告是在茜茜公主在開羅接待巴勒斯坦民族權力機構主席馬哈茂德·阿巴斯和約旦國王阿卜杜拉二世舉行會談幾天后發布的。根據 Rai al-Youm 的報導,該次會議討論了埃及的倡議。

赫爾佐格上週在安曼會見了阿卜杜拉,這次訪問僅在周六晚上才透露。

赫爾佐格在訪問約旦後說:“該地區有一種渴望取得進步、渴望發言的感覺。” “我們目前正在紀念《亞伯拉罕協議》簽署一周年。這些協議創造了一個重要的區域基礎設施。它們是非常重要的協議,正在改變我們地區及其內部的對話……我認為讓每個人都參與對話對以色列國的戰略和外交利益非常重要。”

貝內特於 7 月在約旦秘密會見了阿卜杜拉,就在就任總理幾週後,這是三年多來兩國領導人之間的首次峰會。約旦和以色列之間的緊張局勢在前總理本雅明·內塔尼亞胡 (Benjamin Netanyahu) 任職期間有所加劇,但自本內特 6 月上任以來似乎有所改善,包括農業交易和重大交易。

約旦國王阿卜杜拉二世(右),2021 年 7 月 20 日在華盛頓國務院,約旦王儲侯賽因(右二)在旁看著,與國務卿安東尼·布林肯交談。(Nicholas Kamm /Pool via AP)

一周前,以色列國防部長本尼·甘茨在拉馬拉會見了阿巴斯,這是以色列和巴勒斯坦官員十多年來首次進行高級別面對面會談。

甘茨辦公室的一份聲明說,兩人在廣泛的會談中討論了與安全、外交、經濟和民政有關的問題。

會晤結束後,甘茨重申,以色列巴勒斯坦權力機構政府均不希望在短期內達成任何形式的外交協議,但仍尋求在安全問題上進行合作。

以色列工作人員時報為本報告做出了貢獻。

Sissi calls Herzog for New Year, as Cairo said pushing for new Palestinian talks

Leader hosted Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas and Jordan’s King Abdullah in Cairo last week, and is expected to welcome PM Naftali Bennett soon

By AMY SPIRO Today, 8:36 pm

Jordan’s King Abdullah II (left), Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi (center) and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas attend a trilateral summit in Cairo, on September 2, 2021.

Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi called President Isaac Herzog on Sunday to send his best wishes, ahead of Rosh Hashanah, the same day that a London-based newspaper reported that Sissi is leading a push to jumpstart Israeli-Palestinian peace talks.

According to the President’s Office, Sissi spoke with Herzog on Sunday evening and congratulated him on his new role, as well as sending his blessings to the Israeli nation ahead of the Jewish high holidays.

Herzog’s office said that the pair discussed “bilateral issues and topics of joint concern between the neighboring countries,” and that Herzog thanked Sissi for “the important role he plays in maintaining stability and peace in the region.”

Earlier on Sunday, the London-based Rai al-Youm online newspaper reported that Sissi is planning to soon roll out an initiative to restart long-stalled peace talks between Israel and the Palestinians.

Citing “high-ranking” Arab sources, the paper said Egypt’s intelligence service was set to finalize a peace initiative it has been working on with unspecified Arab and European elements.

The report did not give details on what the initiative will include, but claimed Egypt was set to host Israeli, Palestinian, American, European, and Arab officials in the coming weeks to discuss the proposal before officially unveiling it.

President Isaac Herzog address the opening of the Tenth Annual Conference of the Israel Bar Association in Tel Aviv, September 2, 2021. (Amos Ben Gershom/GPO.)

Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, who has ruled out starting a diplomatic process with the Palestinian Authority, is expected to visit Egypt later this month, after receiving an invitation from Sissi during Egyptian spy chief Abbas Kamel’s trip to Israel last month.

The report comes just days after Sissi hosted Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas and Jordan’s King Abdullah II for talks in Cairo. According to the report in Rai al-Youm, the Egyptian initiative was discussed during that meeting.

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Herzog met Abdullah last week in Amman, in a visit that was only revealed on Saturday evening.

“There is a sense in the region of a desire to make progress, a desire to speak,” Herzog said following his visit to Jordan. “We are currently marking one year since the signing of the Abraham Accords. These accords created an important regional infrastructure. They are highly important agreements, which are transforming our region and the dialogue within it… I think that it is very important for the State of Israel’s strategic and diplomatic interests to engage everyone in dialogue.”

Bennett secretly met with Abdullah in Jordan in July, just weeks after taking office as prime minister, in the first summit between the countries’ leaders in more than three years. Tensions between Jordan and Israel had risen during former prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s tenure, but appear to have improved since Bennett took office in June, including agricultural deals and a major water sale.

Jordanian King Abdullah II, right, as Jordan’s Crown Prince Hussein, second right, looks on, speaks to Secretary of State Antony Blinken, July 20, 2021 at the State Department in Washington. (Nicholas Kamm /Pool via AP)

A week ago, Defense Minister Benny Gantz met Abbas in Ramallah, in the first high-level face-to-face talks between Israeli and Palestinian officials in over a decade.

A statement from Gantz’s office said the two discussed issues related to security, diplomacy, economics, and civil affairs in wide-ranging talks.

Following the meeting, Gantz reiterated that neither Israel’s government for the PA expect any sort of diplomatic agreement anytime soon, but are still looking to cooperate on security concerns.

Times of Israel staff contributed to this report.

拉皮德本週將在莫斯科會見俄羅斯外長

在有報導稱以色列與俄羅斯關係因對敘利亞的政策而緊張之後,宣布了猶太新年之後的會議

通過TOI人員今天,下午 5:51

外交部長亞伊爾·拉皮德 (Yair Lapid) 於 2021 年 7 月 12 日在布魯塞爾會見了 26 位歐盟外長。(歐盟)

外交部長亞伊爾·拉皮德(Yair Lapid)的辦公室週日宣布,在周三晚上的猶太新年節結束後,他將飛往莫斯科與俄羅斯外長謝爾蓋·拉夫羅夫會面。

根據拉皮德辦公室的一份聲明,拉皮德將於週四飛回以色列,但並未說明兩人將討論什麼。

這次會晤將是拉皮德自 6 月就任外長以來與拉夫羅夫的首次會晤。

週日宣布這一消息之前,最近有報導稱以色列與俄羅斯關係因對敘利亞的政策而緊張

在2018 年發生事件後,俄羅斯向巴沙爾·阿薩德總統的軍隊提供了先進的 S-300 防空電池後,以色列在敘利亞的行動自由受到嚴重限制,敘利亞軍隊瞄準以色列噴氣式飛機,將一架俄羅斯飛機從空中擊落,造成死亡機上所有 15 人。

在該國內戰期間,以色列在敘利亞境內進行了數百次空襲,目標是據稱被懷疑運往黎巴嫩伊朗支持的真主黨恐怖組織的武器,該組織與敘利亞政府軍並肩作戰。它很少承認或討論此類操作。

俄羅斯外交部長謝爾蓋·拉夫羅夫於 2018 年 8 月 30 日在俄羅斯莫斯科與敘利亞外交部長瓦利德·穆阿利姆舉行的聯合新聞發布會上。 (美聯社照片 / Alexander Zemlianichenko)

自 2015 年以來,俄羅斯一直在敘利亞發動軍事行動,幫助阿薩德政府在一場毀滅性的內戰後重新控制該國大部分地區。莫斯科還幫助敘利亞的軍事武器庫現代化並培訓其人員。

週五早些時候,以色列空軍襲擊並摧毀了一個敘利亞導彈電池組,該導彈電池組發射了一枚導彈,在以色列中部附近爆炸。

Lapid to meet Russian foreign minister in Moscow this week

Announcement of post-Rosh Hashanah meeting follows reports of tensions in Israel-Russia relationship over policies toward Syria

By TOI STAFFToday, 5:51 pm

Foreign Minister Yair Lapid meets with 26 EU foreign ministers in Brussels, July 12, 2021. (European Union)

Foreign Minister Yair Lapid will fly to Moscow to meet with his Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov after the Rosh Hashanah festival ends on Wednesday evening, his office announced Sunday.

Lapid will fly back to Israel Thursday, according to a statement from his office, which did not say what the two were set to discuss.

The meeting will be Lapid’s first with Lavrov since becoming foreign minister in June.

Sunday’s announcement comes following recent reports of tensions in the Israel-Russia relationship over policies toward Syria.

Israel’s freedom of action in Syria was seriously curtailed after Russia provided advanced S-300 air defense batteries to President Bashar Assad’s forces following a 2018 incident in which the Syrian army, aiming at Israeli jets, knocked a Russian plane out of the sky instead, killing all 15 people on board.

Israel has carried out hundreds of airstrikes inside Syria in the course of the country’s civil war, targeting what it says are suspected arms shipments believed to be bound for Lebanon’s Iran-backed Hezbollah terror group, which is fighting alongside Syrian government forces. It rarely acknowledges or discusses such operations.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov at a joint news conference with Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Moallem in Moscow, Russia, August 30, 2018. (AP Photo/Alexander Zemlianichenko)

Russia has waged a military campaign in Syria since 2015, helping Assad’s government reclaim control over most of the country after a devastating civil war. Moscow also has helped modernize Syria’s military arsenals and train its personnel.

Early Friday, the Israeli Air Force struck and destroyed a Syrian missile battery that had launched a missile that exploded near central Israel.

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Judah Ari Gross contributed to this report.

猶太新年前夕以色列人口增至超過 930 萬

官方數據顯示,自去年猶太新年以來,該國人口增加了 146,000 人,其中包括 20,000 名移民

通過TOI人員今天,下午 5:09

2021 年 8 月 11 日,人們在耶路撒冷的 Alrov Mamilla 大道購物。 (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)

在猶太新年前夕,中央統計局週日報告說,以色列今年的人口超過 930 萬,比前一年增加了 146,000 人,增幅為 1.6%。

根據周一晚上開始的猶太新年之前公佈的哥倫比亞廣播公司數據,現在有 9,391,000 人居住在這個猶太國家。預計到 2024 年底,這一數字將超過 1000 萬。

人口包括超過 694 萬猶太人,即 74%;阿拉伯人超過198萬,佔21%;其他民族46.6萬人,佔總人口的5%。

數據顯示,自去年猶太新年以來的 11.5(公曆)個月內,有 172,000 名嬰兒出生,48,000 人死亡,其中約 5,800 人死于冠狀病毒。

哥倫比亞廣播公司稱,以色列男性的預期壽命為 80.7 歲,女性為 84.8 歲。

持續的冠狀病毒大流行和對國際旅行的廣泛限制對移民產生了重大影響。2020 年有 19,676 名移民抵達以色列,與 2019 年的 33,000 多名新移民相比,大幅下降了 40.8%。

CBS 指出,由於行政問題和 COVID-19 全球危機造成的國際旅行限制,移居以色列變得困難。

超過一半的人(56%)來自前蘇聯,主要是烏克蘭和俄羅斯。來自法國的移民佔 12.2%,來自美國的移民佔 11.7%。

然而,2021 年上半年似乎有所復甦。1 月至 7 月期間,有 13,000 人移民,比 2020 年同期增加了 30%。

自 1948 年以色列建國以來,約有 330 萬移民移居該國。

猶太人口的宗教信仰是 CBS 數據中評估的國家的另一個方面,44.8% 的人將自己定義為世俗。另有 20.5% 的人將自己定義為傳統但不那麼虔誠,12.5% 的人認為自己是傳統宗教。在其餘的人中,11.7% 的人說他們有宗教信仰,10% 的人說他們是極端正統派。

哥倫比亞廣播公司的數字是在猶太機構報導的,現在全世界有 1520 萬猶太人,比前一年增加了 100,000 人。

猶太機構說,有 820 萬猶太人居住在以色列境外,其中大部分居住在美國,那裡有大約 600 萬猶太人。根據耶路撒冷希伯來大學教授塞爾吉奧·德拉·佩爾戈拉 (Sergio Della Pergola) 編制的研究,以色列有 693 萬猶太人,佔世界猶太人總數的 45.3%。

繼以色列和美國之後,猶太人數量最多的國家是法國(44.6萬)、加拿大(39.35萬)、英國(29.2萬)、阿根廷(17.5萬)、俄羅斯(15萬)、德國(11.8萬)和澳大利亞(11.8萬)。

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猶太機構表示,有 27,000 名猶太人生活在阿拉伯和穆斯林國家,其中 14,500 人在土耳其,9,500 人在伊朗,2,000 人在摩洛哥,1,000 人在突尼斯。

統計數據基於自我認同為猶太人而不是任何其他宗教。猶太機構表示,根據以色列的回歸法(要求至少有一名猶太祖父母)有資格獲得公民身份時,全球有 2530 萬猶太人。

Israel’s population rises to over 9.3 million on Rosh Hashanah eve

Officials figures show number of people in country grew by 146,000 since last Jewish new year, including 20,000 immigrants

By TOI STAFFToday, 5:09 pm

People shop at the Alrov Mamilla Avenue in Jerusalem on August 11, 2021. (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)

On the eve of Rosh Hashanah, the Jewish new year, the Central Bureau of Statistics reported Sunday that Israel’s population topped 9.3 million this year, growing by 146,000 people from the year before in a rise of 1.6 percent.

There are now 9,391,000 people living in the Jewish state, according to the CBS figures published ahead of Rosh Hashanah, which begins Monday evening. The number is expected to pass 10 million by the end of 2024.

The population comprises more than 6.94 million Jews, or 74%; over 1.98 million Arabs, who account for 21%; and another 466,000 people of other ethnic groups, 5% of the population.

The figures show 172,000 babies were born and there were 48,000 deaths — including around 5,800 from the coronavirus — in the 11.5 (Gregorian calendar) months since Rosh Hashanah last year.

Life expectancy is 80.7 years for Israeli men and 84.8 years for women, the CBS said.

The ongoing coronavirus pandemic and the vast curbs on international travel have had a significant impact on immigration. There were 19,676 immigrants who arrived in Israel during 2020, a dramatic 40.8% drop from 2019 when there were more than 33,000 new arrivals.

Jewish Agency chairman Isaac Herzog (2nd-R) and Immigration Minister Pnina Tamano-Shata (C) greet Ethiopian immigrants arriving at Ben Gurion Airport on March 11, 2021. (The Jewish Agency)

Moving to Israel was made difficult due to administrative issues and international travel restrictions caused by the COVID-19 global crisis, the CBS noted.

Just over half of those who did arrive, 56%, were from the former Soviet Union, mostly Ukraine and Russia. Immigration from France accounted for 12.2% and from the US 11.7%.

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However, the first half of 2021 appeared to show something of a recovery. Between January and July 13,000 people immigrated, a 30% increase over the same period in 2020.

Since the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, some 3.3 million immigrants have moved to the country.

Religious belief among the Jewish population was another aspect of the country assessed in the CBS data, with 44.8% defining themselves as secular. A further 20.5% defined themselves as traditional but not so religious, and 12.5% saw themselves as traditional-religious. Of the rest, 11.7% said they were religious and 10% said they were ultra-Orthodox.

Jewish men praying for forgivness (Selichot), at the Western Wall in the Old City of Jerusalem on September 5, 2021, prior to the upcoming Jewish holiday of Rosh Hashanah (Jewish New Year). (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)

The CBS numbers came as the Jewish Agency reported there were now 15.2 million Jews worldwide, an increase of 100,000 from the year before.

The Jewish Agency said 8.2 million Jews live outside Israel, most of whom live in the United States, which has around 6 million Jews. In Israel, there are 6.93 million Jews, accounting for 45.3% of world Jewry, according to the research, which was compiled by Prof. Sergio Della Pergola of Jerusalem’s Hebrew University.

Following Israel and the US, the countries with the largest number of Jews are France (446,000), Canada (393,500), Britain (292,000), Argentina (175,000), Russia (150,000), Germany (118,000) and Australia (118,000).

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The Jewish Agency said there were 27,000 Jews living in Arab and Muslim states, with 14,500 in Turkey, 9,500 in Iran, 2,000 in Morocco and 1,000 in Tunisia.

The statistics are based on self-identification as Jewish and not as any other religion. The Jewish Agency said when looking at those eligible to get citizenship under Israel’s Law of Return, which requires at least one Jewish grandparent, there are 25.3 million Jews worldwide.

美國特使:隨著伊朗繼續核發展,我們不能永遠等待

伊朗總統拒絕“西方壓力”,但願意舉行會談以重振伊核協議。

通過LAHAV哈爾科夫

2021 年 9 月 5 日 16:30

上週五,伊朗總統選舉的獲勝者易卜拉欣·賴西 (Ebrahim Raisi) 在伊朗的一個投票站旁觀

(圖片來源:MAJID ASGARIPOUR/WANA/REUTERS)

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美國駐伊朗特別代表羅伯·馬利表示,如果伊朗推遲重返談判的時間太長,美國將不會同意重返 2015 年的核協議,因為伊朗總統易卜拉欣·賴西周六拒絕了“西方壓力”。

“伊朗政府表示它仍然需要時間,因為它剛剛上任並正在努力組織自己,這是可以理解的,”馬​​利週五告訴彭博社。“但與此同時,時間在流逝……我們必須看看伊朗是否認真準備重返談判,以及它在此期間取得了哪些核進展。”

美國和伊朗從今年 4 月至 6 月在維也納進行了間接談判,著眼於重新遵守聯合全面行動計劃,即 2015 年伊朗與世界大國之間的核協議。JCPOA 對伊朗的鈾濃縮活動施加了限制,該項目將於 2030 年到期。特朗普政府於 2018 年退出該協議,美國總統喬·拜登表示他將重返該協議並解除特朗普實施的部分制裁。與此同時,最近幾個月伊朗將其鈾濃縮和鈾金屬開發提升到前所未有的水平。

在更加反西方的候選人賴西當選總統之後,伊朗於 6 月暫停了會談,但並未說明是否以及何時回歸。

馬利援引美國國務卿安東尼·布林肯的話說,“我們不能永遠等待。”

本月早些時候,美國國務卿安東尼·布林肯在華盛頓的國務院發表講話。(信用:安德魯·卡巴列羅-雷諾茲/路透社)

“在某個時候,[核] 進展將使美國重返JCPOA的可行性遠低於其他情況。因此,我們準備耐心等待……但我們不要拖延太久,因為在某個時候我們將不得不得出不同的結論,”馬利,他是 JCPOA 以及今年的首席談判代表。會談,說。

當被問及美國要等多久時,馬利迴避了這個問題,稱更重要的一點是伊朗人必須有一個“現實的立場”,並願意像美國人一樣妥協,以重返協議。

“我們準備取消那些與協議不一致的製裁……如果伊朗撤銷那些與協議不一致的核步驟。如果是這種方法,我們應該能夠相對較快地恢復協議,但如果伊朗要求美國提供比協議中提供的更多,或者願意做的比協議中提供的少,那麼它不會不管我們昨天、今天還是三個月後恢復談判,我們都會陷入僵局,”他說。

伊朗尋求美國保證未來的政府不會退出協議。

馬利表示,拜登並未承諾為了再次退出而重新加入該協議,但正式保證不是最初的 JCPOA 的一部分,因此不能成為當前談判的一部分。

“如果伊朗想要不同的東西,那麼我們將討論談判一項不同的協議,但如果伊朗想要重返 JCPOA,那麼 JCPOA 就是它……六國之間的政治諒解,”他說。

一天后,賴西表示他願意重返談判,以讓西方解除對伊朗的製裁,但不會受到壓力。

伊朗總統對國家電視台說:“西方人和美國人在壓力下進行談判。” “那是什麼對話?我已經宣布,我們將就我們政府的議程進行會談,但不會……施加壓力。”

“談判已提上日程……我們正在尋求以目標為導向的談判……因此取消對伊朗人民的不公正制裁……他們的生活可以蓬勃發展,”他補充道。

上個月,被稱為 E3 的法國、德國和英國在國際原子能機構報告稱伊朗生產的鈾金屬濃縮至裂變純度高達 20%,並將濃縮鈾的產量提高至 60% 後表達了擔憂。

由於擔心德黑蘭核計劃的進展,巴黎要求立即重啟談判。

路透社為本報告做出了貢獻。

伊斯蘭國襲擊在伊拉克殺死十名警察

ISIS 襲擊伊拉克基爾庫克附近的一個哨所,造成 10 名警察喪生,4 人受傷。

通過路透

2021 年 9 月 5 日 12:16

2015 年,庫爾德斯坦地區的自由鬥士在基爾庫克附近的前線看著 ISIS 的陣地

(照片來源:SETH J. FRANZMAN)

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警方消息人士周日表示,伊斯蘭國武裝分子在夜間襲擊基爾庫克市附近的一個警衛哨時,打死 10 名伊拉克警察,打傷 4 人。

警方消息人士稱,襲擊者與駐紮在北部城市基爾庫克西南 30 公里(18 英里)的拉沙德鎮一個村莊的警察發生了兩個小時的衝突。

警方消息人士稱,武裝分子使用路邊炸彈阻止警察增援部隊到達哨所,摧毀了三輛警車。

沒有立即聲稱對此負責,但伊斯蘭國激進分子在該地區活躍,一名安全消息人士稱他們參與了。

另外,安全消息人士稱,週日槍手襲擊了伊拉克城市摩蘇爾東南部的一個軍隊檢查站,造成至少三名伊拉克士兵死亡,一人受傷。

庫爾德自由鬥士(中)領導人侯賽因·亞茲丹帕納(Hussein Yazdanpanah)和他的手下在基爾庫克以西的 ISIS 前線(圖片來源:SETH J. FRANTZMAN)

儘管伊斯蘭國激進組織在 2017 年被擊敗,但該組織的殘餘勢力轉而對伊拉克不同地區的政府軍發動肇事逃逸襲擊。

ISIS attack kills ten policemen in Iraq

Ten policemen were killed and four injured in an ISIS attack on a guard post near Kirkuk, Iraq.

By REUTERS

SEPTEMBER 5, 2021 12:16

A Kurdistan Region Peshmerga looks out at ISIS positions from his frontline near Kirkuk in 2015

(photo credit: SETH J. FRANTZMAN)

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Islamic State militants killed 10 Iraqi policemen and wounded four during an overnight attack on a guard post near the city of Kirkuk, police sources said on Sunday.

Police sources said the attackers clashed for two hours with police stationed at a village in the town of Rashad, 30 km (18 miles) southwest of northern city of Kirkuk.

Militants used roadside bombs to prevent police reinforcements from reaching the post, destroying three police vehicles, police sources said.

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There was no immediate claim of responsibility but Islamic State militants are active in the area and a security source said they were involved.

Separately, at least three Iraqi soldiers were killed and one was wounded on Sunday when gunmen attacked an army checkpoint southeast of the Iraqi city of Mosul, security sources said.

Kurdish Peshmerga (center) leader Hussein Yazdanpanah with his men on the frontline with ISIS west of Kirkuk (credit: SETH J. FRANTZMAN)

Despite the defeat of the Islamic State militant group in 2017, remnants of the group switched to hit-and-run attacks against government forces in different parts of Iraq.

卡塔爾會為約旦河西岸的哈馬斯採用“阿富汗”模式嗎?- 分析

多哈幫助塔利班在世界其他地方看起來是合法的,並且可能會嘗試對加沙集團做同樣的事情。

作者:SETH J. FRANZMAN

2021 年 9 月 5 日 17:54

美國國務卿邁克爾·蓬佩奧於 2020 年 9 月 12 日在卡塔爾多哈會見塔利班代表團。

(照片來源:RONNY PRZYSUCHA)

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美國從阿富汗撤軍的主要驚喜之一是塔利班征服該國的速度,以及塔利班以前被視為極端主義恐怖組織的程度,獲得了一些國際合法性。

任何密切關注的人都不應該感到驚訝。塔利班由卡塔爾在多哈主持,美國已經通過談判使他們合法化。他們曾向中國、俄羅斯、伊朗等國派出高級別代表團,得到巴基斯坦的長期支持。

塔利班的支持者可能希望重演這種模式,即極端主義團體在約旦河西岸的巴勒斯坦人中輕鬆掌權。

來自 Jpost 的最新文章

阿富汗將極端組織轉變為統一混亂國家的執政黨模式值得研究。哈馬斯多年來一直試圖通過其在多哈、安卡拉和德黑蘭等地的支持者,將自己表現得更加合法和“溫和”。

哈馬斯曾經以自殺性巴士爆炸而聞名,後來逐漸使用導彈和火箭瞄準以色列全境。這通常會使一個團體在國際社會看來不受歡迎,而哈馬斯在 2006 年巴勒斯坦立法選舉後大多被邊緣化。

2007 年 6 月,哈馬斯殘酷地奪取了對加沙地帶的控制權,在那裡它得到的支持比在西岸還要多。它把敵對的法塔赫成員趕出建築物,並實施了類似塔利班的宗教暴徒統治。

然而,隨著時間的推移,哈馬斯開始試圖將自己展示為一個以色列和其他國家可以應對的團體。卡塔爾是其中的關鍵,特別是通過在 2009 年、2012 年和 2014 年每一輪衝突後為重建加沙提供資金。 2012 年 10 月,卡塔爾埃米爾謝赫哈馬德本哈利法阿勒薩尼來到加沙,承諾提供 4 億美元為了支持。他是第一位進行此類訪問的國家元首。

哈馬斯領導人在掌權之前也像塔利班一樣進行了環球旅行。6 月,Ismail Haniyeh 前往黎巴嫩、毛里塔尼亞和摩洛哥。哈馬斯領導人還在 2019 年 12 月和 2020 年 8 月會見了土耳其總統雷傑普·塔伊普·埃爾多安。

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哈尼耶也在 2020 年 1 月環球旅行期間去了馬來西亞。他今年 3 月去了莫斯科,在今年 5 月與以色列的戰鬥中,他向俄羅斯人表示哈馬斯已準備好停火。

值得注意的是,哈馬斯得到了土耳其和伊朗的支持,而且它還與卡塔爾和包括馬來西亞和俄羅斯在內的其他國家保持著良好的關係。卡塔爾一直是加沙的主要資助者。在過去幾年中,以色列批准了這筆用於加沙的現金,越來越多地將卡塔爾視為與哈馬斯和穩定力量的關鍵中間人。

我們必須牢記,2018年,看似與世隔絕、無法使用火箭和隧道傷害以色列的哈馬斯發動了“偉大的回歸大遊行”。之後,它動員縱火犯對以色列使用燃燒氣球

卡塔爾 5000 萬美元。2020 年的資金轉移表面上有助於在加沙購買平靜,1 月,卡塔爾承諾再提供 3.6 億美元。通過聯合國,設計了一種新方法,通過一種旨在防止哈馬斯將資金用於資助恐怖主義的方法,將資金轉移到加沙約 10 萬個貧困家庭。

2021 年 5 月 22 日,巴勒斯坦哈馬斯武裝分子在加沙城參加反以色列集會(圖片來源:REUTERS/MOHAMMED SALEM)

重要的不僅是卡塔爾的現金,還有以色列近幾個月發出的信號,即卡塔爾是與加沙開展的工作的重要合作夥伴。

卡塔爾對哈馬斯做了同樣的事情,在與美國的討論中對塔利班做了同樣的事情。卡塔爾將自己定位為會議場所或中立方,使其能夠成為與極端主義團體進行討論的渠道。同時,它與傾向於支持這些團體的國家合作。政府處於邊緣地位。

就阿富汗而言,是喀布爾政府;就加沙而言,巴勒斯坦權力機構處於邊緣地位。在每次國際訪問中,哈馬斯都被視為巴勒斯坦人的政府,而馬哈茂德·阿巴斯和法塔赫以及巴勒斯坦權力機構則被排除在外。這在某種意義上是一個零和遊戲。哈馬斯在國際上舉行的每次會議都必須權衡對巴勒斯坦權力機構的支持。

卡塔爾已成為穿針引線的專家。它把自己描繪成僅僅是主持團體和促進對話。但它也踏上了天平,它的重量落後於塔利班和哈馬斯。

然而,它也因其在阿富汗作為疏散阿富汗人逃離卡塔爾主持和合法化的同一個塔利班而發揮的作用而獲得喝彩和祝賀。卡塔爾在某種意義上是新塔利班政府的助產士。美國通過特朗普政府的討論和隨後的拜登政府的決定實現了這一點。

現在的問題是,哈馬斯和約旦河西岸是否會出現類似的進程。由於擔心哈馬斯將尋求接管拉馬拉,阿巴斯自 2006 年以來一直迴避選舉。一直在討論聯合政府,通常由開羅促成。

但事實證明,哈馬斯不願讓巴勒斯坦權力機構在加沙發揮任何作用,也不願允許法塔赫等敵對團體舉行集會。與此同時,巴勒斯坦權力機構打擊了異議人士。

哈馬斯利用 5 月暴力事件的上升來推動與以色列的戰爭,它於 5 月 10 日發動了戰爭。它在伊朗的支持下發動了戰爭,並這樣做是為了在約旦河西岸獲得更多的支持。巴勒斯坦權力機構推遲了 4 月 29 日的選舉。哈馬斯在 10 天后對以色列發動戰爭並非巧合。

特朗普政府讓阿富汗政府擱置一邊,轉而支持在多哈與哈馬斯進行會談。它還使巴勒斯坦權力機構擱置一邊,儘管早期與約旦人密切合作,但不再聽取安曼的建議。這是因為政府推動美國大使館遷往耶路撒冷,後來又推動了亞伯拉罕協議。

問題是巴勒斯坦權力機構似乎被削弱了,極右翼的聲音認為巴勒斯坦權力機構和約旦可以完全被忽視。這是加強哈馬斯的結果。

2005年,美國通過美國以色列和巴勒斯坦權力機構安全協調員辦公室(USSC)增加對巴勒斯坦國家安全部隊的支持。它以美國將軍基思·代頓的名字命名為“代頓的軍隊”。

這是一個旁白,但代頓被引入是為了改善巴勒斯坦權力機構的安全部隊,實質上是為了穩定巴勒斯坦權力機構,因此哈馬斯無法武力接管。他成功了。

代頓來自歐洲司令部,而他 2010 年的繼任者邁克爾·默勒則來自中央司令部,以色列現在是該司令部的一部分。在特朗普政府期間,美國收回了對巴勒斯坦安全部隊的這種支持。

人們可以將此視為更廣泛的美國議程的一部分,即取消對各種訓練和裝備計劃的支持,包括在阿富汗、伊拉克、敘利亞和巴勒斯坦權力機構。這意味著巴勒斯坦人在某種程度上與阿富汗發生的事情有關。首先,卡塔爾在這兩個地方都有涉及。此外,哈馬斯和類似組織還慶祝塔利班的勝利。

哈馬斯有時不僅使巴勒斯坦權力機構邊緣化,而且還使以色列能夠打擊巴勒斯坦伊斯蘭聖戰組織等競爭對手,這是一個伊朗支持的小型組織,以色列在 2019 年與該組織進行了短暫的衝突。

可以將其與塔利班鞏固控制權並創建特殊部隊的方式進行比較,例如甚至與伊斯蘭國作戰的“紅色部隊”。當塔利班上個月進入喀布爾時,似乎有特種部隊配備了適當的製服、夜視儀、M-16 和現代軍隊的所有裝備。有人幫助資助、訓練和裝備塔利班。

塔利班如何通過消耗和國際支持來策劃他們的勝利,這也可能代表了哈馬斯的戰略。哈馬斯是否希望有一天卡塔爾和其他國家能夠與美國和西方達成協議,並在以色列面前懸掛一根胡蘿蔔,讓哈馬斯或它的一個版本能夠進入約旦河西岸並進入權力殿堂?在拉馬拉?這怎麼可能發生?

卡塔爾和其他國家可能正在為阿巴斯、執政權威崩潰、抗議以及親哈馬斯或公開的哈馬斯成員突然出現控制權之後的第二天在約旦河西岸奠定基礎。如果西岸的安全部隊可能被說服接受這一點而不是一場戰鬥,這可能很快就會發生。

目前尚不清楚這是如何發生的,但這種方法已經在阿富汗出現過,那裡的管理當局似乎在一夜之間融化並逃離,並且很容易被替換而不會出現混亂。當地州長和其他人接受了新常態。

不支持塔利班的國家突然發現自己被喀布爾拒之門外。這對那些喜歡巴勒斯坦權力機構和法塔赫的國家有影響。它們可能包括約旦、沙特阿拉伯、其他海灣國家和埃及。

然而,這裡有不同的角度,因為與穆罕默德·達蘭關係密切的巴勒斯坦人對最近阿巴斯與國防部長本尼·甘茨的會晤持批評態度。

達蘭一直在阿拉伯聯合酋長國工作,這是自去年亞伯拉罕協議以來以色列的和平夥伴。直到最近,阿聯酋和沙特阿拉伯以及巴林都捲入了與卡塔爾的海灣危機,當涉及到該地區的各種團體時,他們往往處於對立的兩端。

卡塔爾更喜歡與穆斯林兄弟會有關的團體,而阿聯酋及其朋友則更喜歡更溫和的團體。

巴勒斯坦人陷入了這個難題,因為在拉馬拉的任何權力爭奪都不可避免地將圍繞著法塔赫和阿巴斯,還有其他參與者,包括哈馬斯想要的人和達赫蘭和其他人喜歡的人。

目前,拉馬拉的事件並非焦點;相反,卡塔爾向加沙轉移現金的問題正在製定中。但有些人可能想知道西岸的需求。哈馬斯在 5 月與以色列的衝突中是否表明這是“抵抗”,如果是,誰會試圖從中受益以提高其在西岸的地位?

在阿富汗之後,教訓是一切皆有可能,但水仍然很深,這意味著幕後可能會進行比表面上更多的機動。

Will Qatar use an ‘Afghan’ model for Hamas in the West Bank? - analysis

Doha has helped the Taliban seem legitimate to the rest of the world and may try to do the same with Gazan group.

By SETH J. FRANTZMAN

SEPTEMBER 5, 2021 17:54

U.S. Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo meets with the Taliban Delegation in Doha, Qatar, on September 12, 2020.

(photo credit: RONNY PRZYSUCHA)

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One of the major surprises of the US withdrawal from Afghanistan was the speed with which the Taliban conquered the country and the degree to which the Taliban, previously seen as an extremist terrorist group, received some international legitimacy.

Anyone watching closely shouldn’t have been surprised. The Taliban had been hosted by Qatar in Doha, where the US had already legitimized them through talks. They had sent high-level delegations to China, Russia, Iran and other countries and had long-term backing from Pakistan.

Backers of the Taliban might want to replay this model, whereby an extremist group takes power easily, among Palestinians in the West Bank.

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The Afghan model for turning an extremist group into a ruling party that unifies a chaotic state is worth examining. Hamas has spent years trying to present itself as more legitimate and “moderate” through its backers in places such as Doha, Ankara and Tehran.

Hamas was once known for suicide bus bombings and then graduated to using missiles and rockets to target all of Israel. This would usually make a group appear unpalatable to the international community, and Hamas was mostly sidelined after the Palestinian legislative elections of 2006.

In June 2007, Hamas brutally seized control of the Gaza Strip, where it had more support than in the West Bank. It threw rival Fatah members off buildings and put in place a Taliban-like religious, thuggish rule.

Over time, however, Hamas began to try to present itself as a group that Israel and others could deal with. Qatar was key to this, especially via funding to rebuild Gaza after each round of conflict in 2009, 2012 and 2014. In October 2012, the emir of Qatar, Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani, came to Gaza with a pledge of $400 million for support. He was the first head of state to make such a visit.

Hamas leaders have also gone on globe-trotting trips, much like the Taliban, before they came to power. In June, Ismail Haniyeh went to Lebanon, Mauritania and Morocco. Hamas leaders also met Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in December 2019 and in August 2020.

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Haniyeh also went to Malaysia in January 2020, during his globe-trotting. He went to Moscow this March, and amid the fighting with Israel this May, he communicated to the Russians that Hamas was ready for a ceasefire.

It’s important to note that Hamas has backing from Turkey and Iran and that it also enjoys good relations with Qatar and other countries, including Malaysia and Russia. Qatar has been a key funder of Gaza. Over the last few years, this cash for Gaza has been approved by Israel, which has increasingly seen Qatar as a key go-between with Hamas and a stabilizing force.

We must bear in mind that in 2018, Hamas, which had appeared isolated and cut off from the world and which wasn’t able to use rockets or tunnels to harm Israel, launched the “Great March of Return.” After that, it mobilized arsonists to use incendiary balloons against Israel.

Qatar’s $50m. transfer of funds in 2020 ostensibly helped buy quiet in Gaza, and in January, Qatar promised another $360m. Via the UN, a new method was designed to move the funds to some 100,000 poorer families in Gaza through a method that is supposed to prevent Hamas from using the money to fund terrorism.

Palestinian Hamas militants take part in an anti-Israel rally in Gaza City May 22, 2021 (credit: REUTERS/MOHAMMED SALEM)

What matters is not just the Qatari cash but also Israel’s signaling in recent months that Qatar is an important partner in the work being done with Gaza.

Qatar has done the same thing with Hamas that it did with the Taliban in discussions with the US. Qatar presents itself as a meeting place, or a neutral party, enabling it to serve as a conduit for discussions with extremist groups. At the same time, it works with countries that tend to support the groups. The government is sidelined.

In Afghanistan’s case, it was the government in Kabul; in Gaza’s case, the Palestinian Authority is sidelined. With each international trip, Hamas is treated as the government of the Palestinians, and Mahmoud Abbas and Fatah and the PA are sidelined. This is a zero-sum game in a sense. Each meeting Hamas gets internationally is one that must be weighed against support for the PA.

Qatar has become expert at threading this needle. It portrays itself as merely hosting groups and enabling conversations. But it also has its foot on the scales, and its weight was behind the Taliban and is behind Hamas.

Yet it also gets plaudits and congratulations for its role in Afghanistan in serving as a conduit for evacuating Afghans fleeing the same Taliban that Qatar hosted and legitimized. Qatar was a midwife in a sense to the new Taliban government. The US enabled this through the Trump administration’s discussions and subsequently the Biden administration’s decisions.

The question now is whether a similar process may play out with Hamas and in the West Bank. Abbas has eschewed elections since 2006 because of the fear that Hamas will seek to take over Ramallah. There have been discussions about a unity government, often brokered by Cairo.

But Hamas has proven recalcitrant to enable any PA role in Gaza or allow rival groups such as Fatah to hold rallies. Meanwhile, the PA has cracked down on dissent.

Hamas used the uptick in violence in May to push for a war with Israel, which it launched on May 10. It launched the war with Iran’s backing and did so to get more popularity in the West Bank. The PA had postponed elections on April 29. It’s not a coincidence Hamas launched a war against Israel 10 days later.

The Trump administration sidelined the Afghan government in favor of talks with Hamas in Doha. It also sidelined the PA and, despite early close work with the Jordanians, stopped listening to the advice of Amman. This came as the administration pushed for the move of the US Embassy to Jerusalem and later for the Abraham Accords.

The problem was that the PA appeared weakened, and far-right voices argued that the PA and Jordan could be ignored entirely. This had the result of strengthening Hamas.

In 2005, the US increased its support for the Palestinian National Security Forces via the Office of the United States Security Coordinator for Israel and the Palestinian Authority (USSC). It was called “Dayton’s army” after US Gen. Keith Dayton.

This is an aside, but Dayton was brought in to improve the PA security forces and in essence to stabilize the PA so Hamas couldn’t take over by force. He was successful.

Dayton had come from European Command, whereas his successor in 2010, Michael Moeller, came via Central Command, of which Israel is now a part. The US dialed back this support for the Palestinian security forces during the Trump administration.

One could see this as part of the broader US agenda of dialing back support for various train-and-equip programs, including in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria and the PA. This means the Palestinians are linked in a way to what happened in Afghanistan. First of all, Qatar is involved in both places. In addition, Hamas and groups like it have celebrated the Taliban victory.

Hamas has worked at times not just to sideline the PA but also to enable Israel to strike at rivals such as Palestinian Islamic Jihad, a small Iranian-backed group with which Israel fought a short conflict in 2019.

One might compare that with how the Taliban solidified control and created special units, such as the “Red Units,” which even fought ISIS. When the Taliban rolled into Kabul last month, it appeared to have special forces kitted out with proper uniforms, night vision, M-16s and all the trappings of a modern army. Someone helped fund, train and equip the Taliban.

How the Taliban engineered their victory through attrition and international support may represent the Hamas strategy as well. Could Hamas hope that one day Qatar and other countries will broker a deal with the US and the West and dangle a carrot in front of Israel to enable Hamas, or a version of it, to waltz into the West Bank and into the halls of power in Ramallah? How might that occur?

Qatar and others might be laying the groundwork in the West Bank for the day after Abbas, a collapse of governing authority, protests and then the emergence of pro-Hamas or openly Hamas members to suddenly take control. It could happen quickly if the security forces in the West Bank might be convinced to accept this rather than a battle.

It’s not entirely clear how this could transpire, but the methodology has been seen in Afghanistan, where what appeared to be governing authorities melted overnight and fled and were easily replaced without chaos. Local governors and others accepted the new normal.

Countries that didn’t back the Taliban found themselves suddenly shut out from Kabul. This has implications for those countries that prefer the PA and Fatah. They may include Jordan and also Saudi Arabia, other Gulf states and Egypt.

However, there are different angles here because there are Palestinians close to Muhammad Dahlan who are critical of the recent Abbas meeting with Defense Minister Benny Gantz.

Dahlan has been based in the United Arab Emirates, which is a peace partner of Israel since the Abraham Accords last year. Until recently, the UAE and Saudi Arabia, as well as Bahrain, were involved in the Gulf crisis with Qatar, and they tend to be on opposing ends of the spectrum when it comes to various groups in the region.

Whereas Qatar has preferred groups linked to the Muslim Brotherhood, the UAE and its friends have preferred more moderate groups.

The Palestinians fit into this puzzle because any contest for power in Ramallah inevitably will revolve around not just Fatah and Abbas, but also other players, including those Hamas will want and those Dahlan and others will prefer.

At the moment, the goings-on in Ramallah are not center stage; rather, the Qatari transfers of cash to Gaza are being worked out. But some might wonder about the needs of the West Bank. Has Hamas shown through its conflict in May with Israel that it is the “resistance,” and if so, who might try to benefit from that to increase its standing in the West Bank?

After Afghanistan, the lesson is that anything is possible, and still waters run deep, which means more maneuvering might be going on behind the scenes than is apparent.

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