2021.12.26 國際新聞導讀-伊朗指不論談判結果如何都會遵守IAEA規定、以色列政府被基督教會指責不友善、美國猶太教世界的發展

蘇老師講解國際新聞、中東與中亞歷史、中國事務、太空知識的頻道。 Diplomat's daily news review and history research on Middle East and Central Asia, China Affairs and Space Exploration

2021.12.26 國際新聞導讀-伊朗指不論談判結果如何都會遵守IAEA規定、以色列政府被基督教會指責不友善、美國猶太教世界的發展

即使核談判失敗，伊朗也不會將鈾濃縮超過 60% - 核問題負責人

伊朗核問題負責人表示，伊朗的核活動“根據國際原子能機構的協議、法規和規定進行”。

通過耶路撒冷郵報STAFF

發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 25 日 12:41

更新時間： 2021 年 12 月 25 日 13:16

伊朗原子能組織負責人穆罕默德·埃斯拉米和國際原子能機構（IAEA）總幹事拉斐爾·格羅西於 2021 年 9 月 12 日在伊朗德黑蘭出席新聞發布會。

（圖片來源：WANA（西亞新聞社）VIA REUTERS）

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伊朗核問題負責人穆罕默德·埃斯拉米週六表示，如果與世界大國的核談判失敗，伊朗將不會超過鈾濃縮的 60% 限制。

在接受俄羅斯國有新聞機構Sputnik採訪時，伊朗原子能組織 (AEO) 負責人補充說，即使美國不解除對伊朗的製裁，伊朗的鈾濃縮度也不會超過 60%。

伊斯拉米說，伊朗的核活動“根據國際原子能機構的協議、法規和條例進行”。

在伊朗與世界主要大國於 11 月進行了一輪徒勞的談判之後，間接會談定於週一在維也納恢復。

儘管伊朗距離生產武器級鈾越來越近，但美國警告說，如果不盡快恢復該協議，它將變得行不通。

11 月，德黑蘭宣布已生產 25 公斤。鈾的濃縮度高達 60%。

伊斯蘭革命衛隊 (IRGC) 海軍成員在伊朗西南部參加名為“偉大先知 17”的聯合演習，圖片拍攝於 2021 年 12 月 22 日。（圖片來源：IRGC/WANA（西亞新聞社） )/通過路透社講義)

儘管 Eslami 承諾不超過 60% 的濃縮，但德黑蘭繼續以敵對的方式展示其對以色列的武器庫。

伊斯蘭革命衛隊最高指揮官週五表示，伊朗上週進行的軍事演習旨在向以色列發出警告。

軍事演習包括發射彈道導彈和巡航導彈，因為國家電視台在周五的演習結束時顯示導彈將一個類似於以色列迪莫納核反應堆的目標夷為平地。

Iran will not enrich uranium past 60% even if nuclear talks fail - nuclear chief

Iran's nuclear activities are "carried out according to the agreements, statutes and regulations of IAEA," the Iranian nuclear chief stated.

By JERUSALEM POST STAFF

Published: DECEMBER 25, 2021 12:41

Updated: DECEMBER 25, 2021 13:16

Head of Iran's Atomic Energy Organization Mohammad Eslami and International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Director General Rafael Grossi attend a news conference, in Tehran, Iran, September 12, 2021.

(photo credit: WANA (WEST ASIA NEWS AGENCY) VIA REUTERS)

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Iran will not exceed the 60% limit on uranium enrichment if nuclear talks with world powers fail, Iranian nuclear chief Mohammad Eslami said on Saturday.

In an interview with Russian state-owned news agency Sputnik, the head of the Iranian Atomic Energy Organization (AEO) added that the Islamic Republic will not enrich uranium past 60% even if US sanctions on the country are not lifted.

Iran's nuclear activities are "carried out according to the agreements, statutes and regulations of IAEA," Eslami stated.

Following a futile round of negotiations between Iran and major world powers in November, the indirect talks are set to resume in Vienna on Monday.

While Iran is inching closer to the production of weapons-grade uranium, the US has warned that if the deal is not revived soon, it will become unviable.

In November, Tehran announced it has produced 25 kg. of uranium enriched up to 60%.

Members of the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) navy participate in a joint exercise called the 'Great Prophet 17' in the southwest of Iran, in this picture obtained on December 22, 2021. (credit: IRGC/WANA (West Asia News Agency)/Handout via REUTERS)

Despite Eslami's commitment to not exceed 60% enrichment, Tehran continues to showcase its arsenal in a hostile manner towards Israel.

Top Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) commanders stated on Friday that Iranian war games conducted last week were intended to send a warning to Israel.

The war games included firing ballistic and cruise missiles, as state television showed missiles flattening a target that resembled Israel's Dimona nuclear reactor at the conclusion of the exercises on Friday.

即使核談判失敗，伊朗也不會將鈾濃縮超過 60% - 核問題負責人

伊朗核問題負責人表示，伊朗的核活動“根據國際原子能機構的協議、法規和規定進行”。

通過耶路撒冷郵報STAFF

發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 25 日 12:41

更新時間： 2021 年 12 月 25 日 13:16

伊朗原子能組織負責人穆罕默德·埃斯拉米和國際原子能機構（IAEA）總幹事拉斐爾·格羅西於 2021 年 9 月 12 日在伊朗德黑蘭出席新聞發布會。

（圖片來源：WANA（西亞新聞社）VIA REUTERS）

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伊朗核問題負責人穆罕默德·埃斯拉米週六表示，如果與世界大國的核談判失敗，伊朗將不會超過鈾濃縮的 60% 限制。

在接受俄羅斯國有新聞機構Sputnik採訪時，伊朗原子能組織 (AEO) 負責人補充說，即使美國不解除對伊朗的製裁，伊朗的鈾濃縮度也不會超過 60%。

伊斯拉米說，伊朗的核活動“根據國際原子能機構的協議、法規和條例進行”。

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COVID-19：以色列有 1,700 多例新病例，健康部說

在伊朗與世界主要大國於 11 月進行了一輪徒勞的談判之後，間接會談定於週一在維也納恢復。

儘管伊朗距離生產武器級鈾越來越近，但美國警告說，如果不盡快恢復該協議，它將變得行不通。

11 月，德黑蘭宣布已生產 25 公斤。鈾的濃縮度高達 60%。

伊斯蘭革命衛隊 (IRGC) 海軍成員在伊朗西南部參加名為“偉大先知 17”的聯合演習，圖片拍攝於 2021 年 12 月 22 日。（圖片來源：IRGC/WANA（西亞新聞社） )/通過路透社講義)

儘管 Eslami 承諾不超過 60% 的濃縮，但德黑蘭繼續以敵對的方式展示其對以色列的武器庫。

伊斯蘭革命衛隊最高指揮官週五表示，伊朗上週進行的軍事演習旨在向以色列發出警告。

本週房源：擁有 27 間臥室的塞舌爾別墅、為汽車愛好者打造的夏威夷度假勝地等由 Mansion Global 贊助

軍事演習包括發射彈道導彈和巡航導彈，因為國家電視台在周五的演習結束時顯示導彈將一個類似於以色列迪莫納核反應堆的目標夷為平地。

Former Iran hostage files lawsuit against Princeton University for 'abandoning him'

Wang argued that Princeton and its Iran Center took the advice of “pro-regime activists and academics” prior to his arrest and after his imprisonment.

By BENJAMIN WEINTHAL

Published: DECEMBER 25, 2021 18:17

Updated: DECEMBER 25, 2021 22:25

Xiyue Wang hugging United States Ambassador to Switzerland and Liechtenstein Ed McMullen in December 2019 following his release from Iranian prison.

(photo credit: Wikimedia Commons)

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Middle East scholar Xiyue Wang sued Princeton University for failing to ensure his security in Iran and allegedly running a campaign to prevent media coverage about the regime’s illegal imprisonment of the academic.

The Washington Free Beacon first reported Thursday on the lawsuit, citing sections from the legal document: “Everything Princeton did and abstained from doing was centered around absolving its institutional responsibility, protecting its institutional reputation, and maintaining its political relations with Iran.”

Wang arrived in Iran in early 2016 to work on his dissertation, and the authorities arrested him that summer.

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The US government secured Wang’s release in December 2019 as part of a prisoner exchange. Wang argued that Princeton and its Iran Center took the advice of “pro-regime activists and academics” prior to his arrest and after his imprisonment.

The Free Beacon titled its article “Historian Says Princeton Left Him To ‘Rot’ in Iranian Prison” and reported that Wang said Princeton ignored his security concerns. According to a July 24, 2016, email, John Haldon, the former director of Princeton’s Iran Center, told Wang to “sit tight and say nothing to anyone outside the small group of people who already know about the situation.”

Students on the Princeton University campus (credit: DOMINICK REUTER/ REUTERS)

The lawsuit said, “Prof. Haldon and Princeton were clearly trying to prevent Mr. Wang’s situation from being known beyond the University.”

Two Princeton lawyers and Anastasia Vrachnos, the vice provost, told Wang’s wife, Hua Qu, according to the Free Beacon, that Wang should not seek to go to the Swiss Embassy that represents US interests in Iran. The Swiss Embassy could have afforded Wang diplomatic protection. The lawsuit says that Seyed Hossein Mousavian, a Princeton academic and former Iranian regime ambassador to Germany, as well as other Princeton employees who have contacts to Iran’s regime “made the intentional decision not to utilize their political capital” in Iran to help him.

The lawsuit says, “Instead of taking action to assist and accelerate Mr. Wang’s release, Princeton chose instead to protect their own reputation over Mr. Wang’s health and well-being. Princeton did nothing but try to suppress news about the case.”

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The Jerusalem Post sent a press query to Princeton University on Saturday.

The Iranian-American human rights activist Lawdan Bazargan, who was illegally imprisoned in Evin prison in Tehran in the 1980s as a political dissident, the same penitentiary where Wang was held, told the Post, “Despite the far-right, xenophobic, racist, and sexist nature of the Islamic regime of Iran, the liberal progressive Left in the West, especially in the United States, has welcomed them in the academia because of IRI’s empty anti-imperialist slogans. While the Nazi ideology has been discredited, many leading universities in the United States hire proxies of the Islamic Regime, people such as Mousavian at Princeton and Mohammad Jafar Mahallati at Oberlin College, and allow them to brainwash the students with their backward ideas.”

According to Mahallati’s Oberlin College webpage, he taught at Princeton University as an adjunct professor. In 2018, Amnesty International accused Mahallati of covering up “crimes against humanity” of at least 5,000 Iranian political prisoners during the 1988 massacre in Iranian prisons.

Mahallati carried out the cover-up while serving as the Islamic Republic’s ambassador to the UN. Mahallati previously told the Post that he was not involved in the mass murder. Mousavian was the Iranian regime’s ambassador to Germany in 1992 when the Islamic Republic, according to a Berlin court, assassinated four Iranian Kurdish dissidents in a Berlin restaurant.

Bazargan said, “These so-called professors not only are dangerous ideologically, but they also have the blood of Iranians on their hands. Cozying up to the former diplomats of the Islamic Regime of Iran in the past 40 years not only has helped the Islamic Regime to oppress its people and further its reach in the region through its proxies such as Hezbollah, Hamas and Houthis but it also has put the US’s national security in danger.” Bazargan has urged Oberlin College to fire Mahallati.

Wang currently works Wang for Rep. Jim Banks (R-Indiana) as a national security advisor.

Former Iran hostage files lawsuit against Princeton University for 'abandoning him'

Wang argued that Princeton and its Iran Center took the advice of “pro-regime activists and academics” prior to his arrest and after his imprisonment.

By BENJAMIN WEINTHAL

Published: DECEMBER 25, 2021 18:17

Updated: DECEMBER 25, 2021 22:25

Xiyue Wang hugging United States Ambassador to Switzerland and Liechtenstein Ed McMullen in December 2019 following his release from Iranian prison.

(photo credit: Wikimedia Commons)

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Middle East scholar Xiyue Wang sued Princeton University for failing to ensure his security in Iran and allegedly running a campaign to prevent media coverage about the regime’s illegal imprisonment of the academic.

The Washington Free Beacon first reported Thursday on the lawsuit, citing sections from the legal document: “Everything Princeton did and abstained from doing was centered around absolving its institutional responsibility, protecting its institutional reputation, and maintaining its political relations with Iran.”

Wang arrived in Iran in early 2016 to work on his dissertation, and the authorities arrested him that summer.

Top Articles By JPost

Read More

Palestinians injured in violent clashes near Homesh

The US government secured Wang’s release in December 2019 as part of a prisoner exchange. Wang argued that Princeton and its Iran Center took the advice of “pro-regime activists and academics” prior to his arrest and after his imprisonment.

The Free Beacon titled its article “Historian Says Princeton Left Him To ‘Rot’ in Iranian Prison” and reported that Wang said Princeton ignored his security concerns. According to a July 24, 2016, email, John Haldon, the former director of Princeton’s Iran Center, told Wang to “sit tight and say nothing to anyone outside the small group of people who already know about the situation.”

Students on the Princeton University campus (credit: DOMINICK REUTER/ REUTERS)

The lawsuit said, “Prof. Haldon and Princeton were clearly trying to prevent Mr. Wang’s situation from being known beyond the University.”

Two Princeton lawyers and Anastasia Vrachnos, the vice provost, told Wang’s wife, Hua Qu, according to the Free Beacon, that Wang should not seek to go to the Swiss Embassy that represents US interests in Iran. The Swiss Embassy could have afforded Wang diplomatic protection. The lawsuit says that Seyed Hossein Mousavian, a Princeton academic and former Iranian regime ambassador to Germany, as well as other Princeton employees who have contacts to Iran’s regime “made the intentional decision not to utilize their political capital” in Iran to help him.

The lawsuit says, “Instead of taking action to assist and accelerate Mr. Wang’s release, Princeton chose instead to protect their own reputation over Mr. Wang’s health and well-being. Princeton did nothing but try to suppress news about the case.”

The Jerusalem Post sent a press query to Princeton University on Saturday.

The Iranian-American human rights activist Lawdan Bazargan, who was illegally imprisoned in Evin prison in Tehran in the 1980s as a political dissident, the same penitentiary where Wang was held, told the Post, “Despite the far-right, xenophobic, racist, and sexist nature of the Islamic regime of Iran, the liberal progressive Left in the West, especially in the United States, has welcomed them in the academia because of IRI’s empty anti-imperialist slogans. While the Nazi ideology has been discredited, many leading universities in the United States hire proxies of the Islamic Regime, people such as Mousavian at Princeton and Mohammad Jafar Mahallati at Oberlin College, and allow them to brainwash the students with their backward ideas.”

According to Mahallati’s Oberlin College webpage, he taught at Princeton University as an adjunct professor. In 2018, Amnesty International accused Mahallati of covering up “crimes against humanity” of at least 5,000 Iranian political prisoners during the 1988 massacre in Iranian prisons.

Mahallati carried out the cover-up while serving as the Islamic Republic’s ambassador to the UN. Mahallati previously told the Post that he was not involved in the mass murder. Mousavian was the Iranian regime’s ambassador to Germany in 1992 when the Islamic Republic, according to a Berlin court, assassinated four Iranian Kurdish dissidents in a Berlin restaurant.

Bazargan said, “These so-called professors not only are dangerous ideologically, but they also have the blood of Iranians on their hands. Cozying up to the former diplomats of the Islamic Regime of Iran in the past 40 years not only has helped the Islamic Regime to oppress its people and further its reach in the region through its proxies such as Hezbollah, Hamas and Houthis but it also has put the US’s national security in danger.” Bazargan has urged Oberlin College to fire Mahallati.

Wang currently works Wang for Rep. Jim Banks (R-Indiana) as a national security advisor.

以色列進攻敘利亞的結局是什麼？

如果伊朗保留其軍事存在，以色列將無法確保敘利亞的和平與安寧，從四個基本作戰目標來看以色列國防軍的行動。

通過雷格夫

發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 23 日 21:03

更新時間： 2021 年 12 月 24 日 23:47

今年早些時候，一名敘利亞男子在 Mleiha 的一張描繪敘利亞總統巴沙爾·阿薩德 (Bashar Assad) 的海報附近調整椅子。

（照片來源：FIRAS MAKDESI/REUTERS）

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已經成為例行公事了。以色列襲擊敘利亞目標的報導通常未經證實，已成為常態。就在上週，敘利亞國營通訊社 SANA 宣布，飛越戈蘭的以色列戰機在大馬士革國際機場附近進行了一次突襲，顯然是在一架來自伊朗的軍用貨運航班抵達之後。

那次襲擊是在據稱以色列空軍於 12 月 7 日襲擊敘利亞拉塔基亞港口的彈藥庫之後發生的，據推測，以色列正在採取行動阻止伊朗的武器轉移給黎巴嫩的真主黨。

同樣在上週：《華盛頓郵報》報導稱，以色列 6 月 8 日在霍姆斯和大馬士革附近的空襲旨在阻止“敘利亞重新開始生產致命神經毒劑的新生嘗試”，並以敘利亞總統巴沙爾·阿薩德政權正在重組的情報為指導。其化學武器計劃違反了敘利亞 2014 年對時任美國總統巴拉克奧巴馬和俄羅斯總統弗拉基米爾普京的承諾。

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與這一現實相反，正如以色列戈蘭的居民會告訴你的那樣，以色列-敘利亞邊界曾經是以色列最安靜的邊界。

1973 年贖罪日戰爭之後，美國國務卿亨利·基辛格在以色列和埃及、以色列和敘利亞之間展開密集的穿梭外交。與埃及人的談判證明相對輕鬆，這是 1974 年 1 月與埃及簽署的第一份脫離接觸協議（西奈半島 1）。與哈菲茲阿薩德的協議並非如此，事實證明，這要困難得多，要求基辛格利用他所有廣受讚譽的談判技巧。通過許多虛張聲勢、邊緣政策和“膀胱外交”，以色列-敘利亞脫離接觸協議終於在 1974 年 5 月達成。

在敘利亞官方媒體報導以色列於 12 月 7 日對拉塔基亞港進行空襲後，集裝箱存儲區起火冒煙。（圖片來源：SANA/REUTERS）

復興黨敘利亞仍然是以色列的死敵，大馬士革仍然是“阿拉伯主義跳動的心臟”，但在基辛格協議簽署後近半個世紀裡，跨越戈蘭的紫色線上出現了不安的平靜。

即使在以色列和敘利亞軍隊發生致命打擊的情況下，如 1982 年第一次黎巴嫩戰爭期間的情況，雙方也沒有興趣破壞戈蘭邊境的緊張穩定。同樣，2007 年以色列襲擊摧毀了敘利亞秘密的代爾祖爾核反應堆，也沒有導致軍事升級。

1980 年代初我在戈蘭服役期間，我記得聯合國脫離接觸觀察員部隊的奧地利檢查員訪問我們的陣地，以核實以色列國防軍是否遵守 1974 年脫離接觸協議中規定的部隊限制。

今天，雖然耶路撒冷和大馬士革仍然正式致力於該協議，但現實已經發生了變化。2011 年敘利亞內戰的爆發，尤其是自 2013 年以來真主黨和伊朗在敘利亞不斷擴大的存在，決定了以色列的行為發生了變化。

敘利亞人權觀察站 (SOHR) 發布的報告記錄，今年迄今為止，以色列已在 28 個不同場合對敘利亞發動襲擊。據 SOHR 稱，2021 年以色列國防軍的“空中和火箭”襲擊已經擊中了大約 70 個目標，包括對總部、倉庫和軍事設施的襲擊，並造成 120 多人死亡。

以色列國防軍在敘利亞的這些行動可以被視為推進四個基本作戰目標。

首先，以色列打算阻止伊朗武器通過敘利亞轉移到黎巴嫩真主黨手中。以色列特別尋求避免可能被視為改變遊戲規則的定性武器的通過，從而對以色列與真主黨的平衡產生負面影響。

其次，以色列顯然更加關注敘利亞南部靠近共同邊界的地區的事態發展。因此，以色列國防軍阻止真主黨-伊朗在敘利亞戈蘭和鄰近地區建立恐怖分子能力。在敘利亞北部表面上可以容忍的事情在靠近時卻是無法容忍的。

第三，以色列採取先發製人的行動，阻止敘利亞發展非常規軍事能力。以色列過去這樣做是為了反對該政權的非法核計劃，據《華盛頓郵報》報導，最近是為了回應重建化學武器庫的企圖。

最後，以色列拒絕默許伊朗將敘利亞變成其軍事衛星的企圖，這是德黑蘭針對這個猶太國家的敵對計劃的前沿陣地。以色列將伊朗的軍事集結視為非法挑釁，並對其進行打擊，以從物理上削弱伊朗的能力。

但了解以色列在敘利亞的政策需要的不僅僅是純粹的軍事解釋。

國家安全專家熟悉 19 世紀普魯士戰略家卡爾·馮·克勞塞維茨 (Carl von Clausewitz) 的名言，他創造了“戰爭是政治以其他方式的延續”這一公理，而以色列在敘利亞的軍事行動確實旨在向伊斯蘭國和伊斯蘭國發送現實政治信息。共和國和敘利亞政權。

以色列希望伊朗明白，只要其軍隊留在敘利亞，他們就會面臨以色列國防軍的襲擊，真主黨和其他盟軍民兵也將面臨。伊朗人員將被擊中，他們的設備將被拆除，他們的設施將被摧毀。以色列將通過永無止境的消耗來保持壓力，從而阻止德黑蘭完成其計劃的軍事擴張。

然而，以色列不僅會否認伊朗的戰略目標，伊朗繼續介入敘利亞也將需要付出不斷增加的鮮血和寶藏代價，德黑蘭將越來越多地付出代價，直到它明白其部署的愚蠢並做出脫離接觸的不可避免的決定。

以色列給敘利亞總統巴沙爾·阿薩德 (Bashar Assad) 的信息同樣嚴峻。儘管有許多人的預測，敘利亞的獨裁者還是在內戰中獲勝。但是，儘管在這場可怕的鬥爭中脫穎而出，但如果伊朗保留其軍事存在，他將無法享受“勝利的果實”，因為敘利亞將不會和平與安寧。以色列將做到這一點。

此外，隨著暴力的持續，阿薩德這個飽受戰爭蹂躪的國家將無法為急需的重建爭取國際財政支持，阿拉伯世界的慷慨已經受到敘利亞與伊斯蘭共和國的軍事聯繫的限制。

雖然現任總統的父親哈菲茲·阿薩德 (Hafez Assad) 知道如何操縱與伊朗和真主黨的關係來推進敘利亞的利益，但今天，正是他們利用敘利亞來推進他們的利益。與伊拉克一樣，伊朗正在建立自主的軍事、社會和宗教結構，最終將挑戰該政權對權力的壟斷。巴沙爾·阿薩德 (Bashar Assad) 是否在內戰中倖存下來，卻眼睜睜地看著這些“朋友”篡奪了他的權威？

這是給敘利亞總統的一個厚顏無恥的建議：在大馬士革組織一場胜利派對。讓伊朗人和真主黨穿著他們最好的製服在首都遊行。感謝他們為支持你的政權所做的努力，為他們成功完成的任務授予獎章，然後送他們回家。

作者曾任首相顧問，現為 INSS 高級訪問學者。在 Facebook 上通過@AmbassadorMarkRegev 關注他。

What is Israel's endgame in attacking Syria?

Israel will ensure no peace and quiet for Syria if Iran retains its military presence, a look at the IDF's actions through four fundamental operational goals.

By MARK REGEV

Published: DECEMBER 23, 2021 21:03

Updated: DECEMBER 24, 2021 23:47

A SYRIAN MAN adjusts a chair near a poster depicting Syria’s President Bashar Assad, in Mleiha, earlier this year.

(photo credit: FIRAS MAKDESI/REUTERS)

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It has become routine. Reports, usually unconfirmed, of Israeli strikes against targets in Syria have become a regular occurrence. Just last week the Syrian state-run news agency SANA announced that Israeli warplanes flying across the Golan carried out a raid in the vicinity of Damascus International Airport, apparently after the arrival of a military cargo flight from Iran.

That attack followed a purported December 7 Israel Air Force strike on munition depots in the Syrian port of Latakia, where it was assumed that Israel was acting to prevent the transfer of Iranian weapons to Hezbollah in Lebanon.

Also last week: The Washington Post reported that the June 8 Israeli airstrikes near Homs and Damascus were designed to stop a “nascent attempt by Syria to restart its production of deadly nerve agents” and were guided by intelligence that Syrian President Bashar Assad’s regime was reconstituting its chemical weapons program, in violation of Syria’s 2014 commitment to then-US president Barack Obama and Russian President Vladimir Putin.

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In contrast to this reality, as the population of the Israeli Golan will tell you, the Israeli-Syrian border was once Israel’s quietest.

In the aftermath of the 1973 Yom Kippur War, US secretary of state Henry Kissinger launched intensive shuttle diplomacy between Israel and Egypt, and Israel and Syria. The negotiations with the Egyptians proved relatively painless, the first disengagement agreement with Egypt (Sinai 1) signed by January 1974. Not so the agreement with Hafez Assad, which proved far more difficult, demanding Kissinger utilize all his acclaimed negotiating skills. Through much bluff, brinkmanship and “bladder diplomacy,” the Israel-Syria Disengagement Agreement was finally concluded in May 1974.

Smoke rises from a fire in a container storage area, after Syrian state media reported an Israeli air strike on the port of Latakia on December 7. (credit: SANA/REUTERS)

Ba’athist Syria continued to be Israel’s sworn enemy, with Damascus remaining “the beating heart of Arabism,” but for close to half a century after the signing of Kissinger’s agreement an uneasy tranquility prevailed on the purple line across the Golan.

Even in situations when the Israeli and Syrian militaries exchanged deadly blows, as was the case during the First Lebanon War of 1982, neither side had an interest in breaching the tense stability on the Golan frontier. Likewise, the 2007 Israeli attack that destroyed Syria’s clandestine Deir ez-Zur nuclear reactor did not lead to a military escalation.

During my own military service on the Golan in the early 1980s, I remember Austrian inspectors from the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force visiting our position to verify that the IDF was complying with the force limitations outlined in the 1974 Disengagement Agreement.

Today, while both Jerusalem and Damascus remain formally committed to that deal, the realities have moved on. The eruption of the Syrian civil war in 2011 and especially the expanding presence of Hezbollah and Iran in Syria since 2013, dictated changes to Israel’s behavior.

Reports issued by the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR) have documented that so far this year Israel has attacked in Syria on 28 separate occasions. According to SOHR, IDF “aerial and rocket” strikes in 2021 have hit some 70 targets, including attacks on headquarters, warehouses and military installations, and have killed more than 120 people.

These IDF actions in Syria can be seen as furthering four fundamental operational goals.

First, Israel is intent on thwarting the transfer of Iranian weapons via Syria to Hezbollah in Lebanon. Israel especially seeks to avert the passage of qualitative weapons that could be seen as game changers, negatively upsetting the Israel-Hezbollah balance.

Second, Israel obviously has enhanced concerns about developments in southern Syria, in the territory proximate to the common frontier. Accordingly, the IDF prevents the building of Hezbollah-Iranian terrorist capabilities on the Syrian Golan and adjacent areas. What might ostensibly be tolerated in northern Syria is intolerable when closer.

Third, Israel takes preemptive action to prevent Syria from developing non-conventional military capabilities. Israel did so in the past against the regime’s illicit nuclear program, and, according to The Washington Post, more recently in response to the attempt to reestablish a chemical arsenal.

Finally, Israel refuses to acquiesce in Iran’s attempt to turn Syria into its military satellite, a forward position for Tehran’s hostile designs against the Jewish state. Israel sees Iran’s military buildup as an illegitimate provocation and strikes against it in order to physically degrade Iranian capabilities.

But understanding Israeli policy in Syria requires more than a purely military explanation.

National-security specialists are familiar with the 19th century Prussian strategist Carl von Clausewitz who famously coined the axiom that “war is a continuation of politics by other means,” and Israel’s military operations in Syria are indeed designed to send realpolitik messages to both the Islamic Republic and the Syrian regime.

Israel wants Iran to understand that as long as its forces remain in Syria, they will face IDF attacks, as will Hezbollah and other allied militias. Iranian personnel will be hit, their equipment demolished and their installations destroyed. Israel will keep up the pressure through never-ending attrition, and in so doing, prevent Tehran from accomplishing its planned military expansion.

Yet not only will Israel deny Iran its strategic goals, Iran’s continued involvement in Syria will also demand a burgeoning cost in blood and treasure, a price Tehran will increasingly incur until it understands the folly of its deployment and takes the inevitable decision to disengage.

The Israeli message to Syrian President Bashar Assad is equally stark. Despite the predictions of many, Syria’s dictator prevailed in the civil war. But, despite coming out on top of that horrific struggle, he will not be able to enjoy the “fruits of victory” with there being no peace and quiet for Syria if Iran retains its military presence. Israel will see to that.

Moreover, with ongoing violence, Assad’s war-torn country will be unable to enlist the international financial support for much-needed reconstruction, the Arab world’s generosity is already limited by Syria’s military association with the Islamic Republic.

While the current president’s father, Hafez Assad, knew how to manipulate ties with Iran and Hezbollah to advance Syria’s interests, today it is they who exploit Syria to advance theirs. Like in Iraq, Iran is building autonomous military, social and religious structures that will ultimately challenge the regime’s monopoly on power. Did Bashar Assad survive the civil war only to see these “friends” usurp his authority?

Here’s a cheeky suggestion for Syria’s president: Organize a victory party in Damascus. Have the Iranians and Hezbollah parade through the capital in their finest uniforms. Thank them for their efforts in support of your regime, award them medals for a mission successfully accomplished, and then, send them home.

The writer, formerly an advisor to the prime minister, is a senior visiting fellow at the INSS. Follow him at @AmbassadorMarkRegev on Facebook.

耶路撒冷教會領袖指責以色列反基督教偏見

他們對基督教朝聖者沒有獲得進入封鎖國家過聖誕節的豁免感到沮喪，而猶太團體卻被允許進入。

作者：DAOUD KUTTAB/媒體行

發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 24 日 14:49

更新時間： 2021 年 12 月 24 日 22:51

聖安德魯斯蘇格蘭人紀念教堂位於耶路撒冷舊城牆對面，位於梅納赫姆貝京遺產中心上方。

（照片來源：保羅·卡爾弗特）

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耶路撒冷的教會領袖指責以色列對基督徒有偏見，對襲擊基督教聖地和神職人員漠不關心。耶路撒冷城的族長和教會領袖的聲明警告說，“目前對聖地基督徒存在的威脅”。它還譴責在基督教區奪取財產“旨在遏制基督教存在”的極端主義團體。

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上週發表的聲明說，自 2012 年以來，“發生了無數事件，對神父和其他神職人員進行身體和言語攻擊，攻擊基督教教堂——聖地經常遭到破壞和褻瀆，並持續恐嚇那些只想做禮拜的當地基督徒。自由地過著他們的日常生活。這些激進團體正在使用這些策略，有系統地試圖將基督教社區趕出耶路撒冷和聖地的其他地區。”

儘管該聲明“感激地承認以色列政府承諾為聖地的基督徒維護一個安全可靠的家園”，但它指出，這並沒有轉化為實地行動。“因此，當地方政治家、官員和執法機構未能遏制經常恐嚇當地基督徒、襲擊神父和神職人員並褻瀆聖地的激進團體的活動時，這一國家承諾遭到背叛，這是一個令人嚴重關切的問題。網站和教堂的財產，”聲明說。

以色列外交部否認對基督徒存在宗教偏見。

該部在一份聲明中說：“這些毫無根據的歧視行為指控令人髮指、虛假和危險，”並補充說：“我們希望宗教領袖不要參與和宣揚毫無根據的仇恨和煽動言論，這只會助長反猶太主義之火，並可能導致暴力並對無辜人民造成傷害。”

基督教區（聖誕節前夕）：翻新的門街（圖片來源：HADAS PARUSH/FLASH90）

據《以色列時報》報導，由於新的COVID-19 變種的傳播，最近禁止外國人進入以色列的禁令豁免了“猶太旅遊”，包括出生權利團體，但不適用於希望在聖誕節訪問的基督教團體。

外交部否認了這一指控，稱“豁免與宗教無關。”

耶路撒冷希臘東正教教堂的負責人阿塔拉·漢納大主教告訴媒體專線，巴勒斯坦基督徒，尤其是耶路撒冷人認為他們是目標，“這既針對基督教和穆斯林場所，也針對巴勒斯坦基督徒和穆斯林，”他說。

Atallah 說，基督教神職人員有時會受到口頭攻擊或被吐唾沫，有時則是身體攻擊。這在耶路撒冷的亞美尼亞區很明顯，那裡的猶太激進分子經常攻擊基督教神職人員並向其吐口水。“所有這些行動都導致基督徒人數減少，但我們這些留在城市的人堅定不移，我們的根紮根在這座城市，”他說。

世界基督教協進會耶路撒冷辦公室協調員尤瑟夫·達赫告訴媒體專線，以色列在舊城雅法門和新門的行動非常令人擔憂。他解釋說：“他們正在應用分而治之的公式，將店主與公眾分開，試圖迫使舊城的基督教巴勒斯坦人離開，同時又小心翼翼地不允許猶太區出現這種商業化和混亂。”

耶路撒冷基督教穆斯林聯盟負責人哈特姆·阿卜杜勒·卡德爾 (Hatem Abdel Qader) 告訴媒體專線，族長的聲明反映了以色列佔領者對耶路撒冷基督教存在的種族主義態度，旨在削弱巴勒斯坦基督教社區，這是一個耶路撒冷阿拉伯身份的組成部分。他說：“這方面的一個完美例子是，儘管有大流行，但以色列仍然允許猶太遊客進入該國，同時禁止基督教朝聖者和遊客入境。” 阿卜杜勒·卡德爾說，削弱巴勒斯坦穆斯林社區的企圖現在正在“針對我們的巴勒斯坦基督徒兄弟姐妹”。

世界基督教協進會 (WCC) 代理秘書長 Ioan Sauca 博士在一份聲明中表示聲援耶路撒冷的教會領袖和教會領袖，表示他的組織將支持聖地的教會和基督教社區“在他們不間斷的持續事工中，並在基督誕生的土地上作見證。”

聲明說：“世界基督教會強烈支持教會領袖呼籲與以色列、巴勒斯坦和約旦的政治當局進行緊急對話，以應對激進團體帶來的挑戰並保護和支持基督教社區。”

耶路撒冷全國基督教聯盟主席迪米特里·迪利亞尼 (Dimitri Diliani) 告訴媒體，耶路撒冷的族長和教會領袖最近發表的聲明敲響了“前所未有的響亮警報”，讓世界各地的基督徒關注“仇恨”。猶太激進分子對巴勒斯坦基督徒犯下的罪行”。“以色列政府否認其公民對巴勒斯坦基督徒犯下仇恨罪行是一個危險的跡象，表明政府將繼續保護和支持以色列的種族主義罪犯，”他說。

迪利亞尼說，現在是世界“迅速採取行動保護耶路撒冷的基督徒、神職人員、教堂和基督教遺產的時候了”。

耶路撒冷老城被聯合國教科文組織宣佈為世界遺產，並受到國際決議的保護。

Church leaders in Jerusalem accuse Israel of anti-Christian bias

They are frustrated that Christian pilgrims did not receive an exemption to enter the locked-down country for Christmas, while Jewish groups have been allowed in.

By DAOUD KUTTAB/THE MEDIA LINE

Published: DECEMBER 24, 2021 14:49

Updated: DECEMBER 24, 2021 22:51

St. Andrew’s Scots Memorial Church is opposite the Old City walls of Jerusalem and above the Menachem Begin Heritage Center.

(photo credit: PAUL CALVERT)

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Church leaders in Jerusalem have accused Israel of bias against Christians and apathy about attacks on Christian holy places and clergy. The statement by the patriarchs and heads of churches in the city of Jerusalem warned of the “current threat to the Christian presence in the Holy Land.” It also denounced extremist groups that seize property in the Christian Quarter “with the aim of curbing the Christian presence.”

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The statement issued last week said that since 2012 there have been “countless incidents of physical and verbal assaults against priests and other clergy, attacks on Christian churches – with holy sites regularly vandalized and desecrated, and ongoing intimidation of local Christians who simply seek to worship freely and go about their daily lives. These tactics are being used by such radical groups in a systematic attempt to drive the Christian community out of Jerusalem and other parts of the Holy Land.”

Although the statement acknowledges “with gratitude the declared commitment of the Israeli government to uphold a safe and secure home for Christians in the Holy Land,” it noted that this was not translated into action on the ground. “It is, therefore, a matter of grave concern when this national commitment is betrayed by the failure of local politicians, officials and law enforcement agencies to curb the activities of radical groups who regularly intimidate local Christians, assault priests and clergy, and desecrate Holy Sites and churches’ properties,” the statement said.

Israel’s Foreign Ministry denied the existence of religious bias against Christians.

“These unfounded allegations of discriminatory conduct are outrageous, false and dangerous,” the ministry said in a statement, adding: “We expect religious leaders to not engage in and promote the baseless discourse of hatred and incitement that only serve to add fuel to the fire of antisemitism and can lead to violence and cause harm to innocent people.”

The Christian Quarter (ahead of a past christmas): Renovated Gate Street (credit: HADAS PARUSH/FLASH90)

The recent ban on entry of foreigners to Israel due to the spread of the new COVID-19 variant made an exemption for “Jewish tourism,” including Birthright groups, but not for Christian groups looking to visit for Christmas, the Times of Israel reported.

The Foreign Ministry denied the accusation saying that “the exemptions were being granted without any connection to religion.”

Head of the Greek Orthodox Church in Jerusalem, Archbishop Atallah Hanna, told The Media Line that Palestinian Christians and especially Jerusalemites feel that they are targeted and “this goes to both Christian and Muslim sites as well as Palestinian Christians and Muslims,” he said.

Atallah said that Christian clergy are attacked sometimes verbally or are spit upon, and at other times the attacks are physical. This is evident in Jerusalem’s Armenian Quarter where Jewish radicals often attack and spit at Christian clergy. “All these actions have caused a reduction of Christian presence but those of us staying in the city are steadfast and our roots are deep in the city,” he said.

Yusef Daher, coordinator of the World Council of Churches office in Jerusalem, told The Media Line that Israeli actions at the Old City’s Jaffa Gate and New Gate are extremely worrisome. “They are applying the formula of divide and rule by separating the shopkeepers from the public in an attempt to force Christian Palestinians of the Old City to leave while they are careful not to allow such commercialization and chaos in the Jewish Quarter,” he explained.

Hatem Abdel Qader, the head of the Christian-Muslim Coalition in Jerusalem, told The Media Line that the statement of the patriarchs reflects the Israeli occupier’s racist attitude toward the Christian presence in Jerusalem and is meant to weaken the Christian Palestinian community, which is an integral part of the Arab identity of Jerusalem. “A perfect example of this is the fact that Israel has given a waiver to Jewish tourists to enter the country despite the pandemic while banning the entry of Christian pilgrims and tourists,” he said. Abdel Qader says that the attempts to weaken the Palestinian Muslim community are now being practiced “against our Palestinian Christian brothers and sisters.”

Expressing solidarity with the patriarchs and heads of churches in Jerusalem, the World Council of Churches’ (WCC) acting general secretary, the Rev. Dr. Ioan Sauca, in a statement offered his organization’s support for the churches and Christian communities of the Holy Land “in their unbroken continuing ministry and witness in the land of Christ’s birth.”

“The WCC strongly supports the church leaders’ call for an urgent dialogue with the political authorities of Israel, Palestine and Jordan with a view to addressing the challenges posed by radical groups and to protecting and supporting the Christian community,” the statement said.

Dimitri Diliani, president of the National Christian Coalition in Jerusalem, told The Media Line that the recent statement issued by patriarchs and heads of churches in Jerusalem sounded “a loud and unprecedented alarm” to bring the attention of Christians around the world to the “hate crimes” against Palestinian Christians committed by the Jewish radicals. “The Israeli governments’ denial of hate crimes committed by its citizens against Palestinian Christians is a dangerous indication that the government will continue to protect and support Israeli racist criminals,” he said.

Diliani said that now is time for the world “to act swiftly to protect Christians, clergy, churches and the Christian heritage in Jerusalem.”

The Old City of Jerusalem was declared by UNESCO to be a world heritage site and is protected by international resolutions.

haredim 會控制以色列與僑民的關係嗎？- 觀點

當平德魯斯談到猶太人的團結時，他腦子裡有一個非常具體的形象：以色列哈雷迪政治的延伸。

作者：丹尼爾·戈德曼

發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 23 日 20:27

MK Yitzhak Pindrus

（照片來源：MK YITZHAK PINDRUS 的禮貌/辦公室）

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我當然贊成加強僑民猶太人。因此，我應該祝福 MK Yitzhak Pindrus 上週為此目的設立的新議會核心小組。

除了祝福之外，值得關注的是核心小組代表誰，以及它在多大程度上真正反映了僑民。World Mizrachi的領導層應該特別注意，因為 Pindrus 有一個集中戰略，促使他與他們直接競爭。

顯然，會議由核心小組主席兼創始人，聯合托拉猶太教的 MK Pindrus 宣布開幕。緊隨其後的是猶太機構代理主席和世界猶太復國主義組織主席利庫德集團的 Yaakov Hagoel。另一位主持會議的發言人是拉比 Pesach Lerner，他是 WZO 中 Eretz Hakodesh 派系的負責人。Eretz Hakodesh 的成立是為了代表美國哈雷迪姆的利益。

在其他發言的人中，幾乎只有哈雷迪，包括著名的東正教和哈雷迪組織：Aish Hatorah、Chabad、東正教聯盟和歐洲拉比會議。美國組織 Am Echad 的以色列代表作了較長的介紹。儘管 Am Echad 促進了猶太人的團結，但最好將其描述為美國 Agudath Israel 的代理。它的聯合主席都是著名的 Agudath 活動家，其中一位是美國 Agudath Israel 的主席，另一位是洛杉磯的主席。

來自 Am Echad 的 Leah Aharoni 提出了核心小組的基本案例——Haredi 社區在散居國外，尤其是美國社區中日益增長的重要性。她提出了非正統猶太人即將消失的標準和經常重複的說法，主要是由於同化和通婚。話雖如此，阿哈羅尼引用皮尤的統計數據重申，美國的東正教猶太人約佔社區的 9%，其中約一半是哈雷迪。

2020 年 9 月 23 日，紐約市東正教社區之一布魯克林威廉斯堡的街道上，COVID 病例最近有所增加。很少有人戴口罩。（信用：丹尼爾·莫里茨-拉伯森）

毫無疑問，聽到他們的聲音是正確的，但沒有理由誇大他們的突出地位，儘管有人口預測。當然，不同面額的相對大小確實會發生變化。根據皮尤研究，耶魯大學研究員 Edial Pinker 博士預測，到 2063 年，東正教和哈雷迪姆將共同構成美國猶太人的 29%，而改革和保守黨附屬的猶太人將佔 39%，低於今天的 50%。當然，也可以公平地說，東正教，尤其是散居國外的哈雷迪猶太人的猶太生活經歷的強度是有意義的不同，並且有利於東正教。話雖如此，這反映在預測的轉變中。人口結構的變化，如果按預期進行，將對美國猶太社區產生巨大的內部影響，

那麼為什麼核心小組會引起世界猶太人其他派系的關注呢？

它構成了協調戰略的一部分，其核心是以色列的 Pindrus 和 Haredi 領導層。他是創建 Eretz Hakodesh 和 Am Echad 背後的關鍵人物，這兩者都是有效的 Haredi 代理——一個用來阻止非正統猶太教流在 WZO 和猶太機構內的影響，另一個充當在議會中為他們進行有效的遊說。這當然是合法的，但不應與代表整個僑民利益的任何更廣泛的願望混淆。雖然大多數散居猶太人尋求改變以色列的國家和宗教，但這個新聯盟絕對反對這一點，而大多數美國猶太人在西牆尋求一個他們可以稱之為自己的地方，Am Echad 和 Eretz Hakodesh 正在大力競選在反對。

這種對僑民政治的新興趣將改變迄今為止一直存在的動態。WZO 和猶太機構中受此威脅最大的群體是 World Mizrachi。World Mizrachi 的領導人應該關注東正教聯盟和 Yeshiva 大學（後者默默參與）的核心小組會議。這兩個極其重要的宗教機構傳統上都是國家機構內 Mizrachi 聯盟的一部分。可能轉向 Haredi 派係可能會破壞他們的地位。這對許多讀者來說似乎很深奧，但這種轉變也將影響以色列在國家和宗教問題上的權力平衡，在那裡，Haredi 對宗教事務的霸權受到宗教服務部長 Matan Kahane 的威脅，

當平德魯斯談到猶太人的團結時，他腦子裡有一個非常具體的形象，與絕大多數散居猶太人的形象截然不同。雖然它不應該也不能被忽視，但需要理解它是什麼，它是以色列哈雷迪政治的延伸。

Daniel Goldman 是 Goldrock Capital 的創始合夥人，也是猶太人和猶太復國主義研究所的創始人。他是一位商人和社會活動家。他目前是 Haredi 就業聯盟的聯合主席，並且是 Gesher 和 World Bnei Akiva 的前任主席。

Will haredim take control of Israel-Diaspora relations? - opinion

When Pindrus talks about Jewish unity, he has a very specific image in mind: an extension of Israeli haredi politics.

By DANIEL GOLDMAN

Published: DECEMBER 23, 2021 20:27

MK Yitzhak Pindrus

(photo credit: COURTESY/OFFICE OF MK YITZHAK PINDRUS)

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I am of course in favor of strengthening Diaspora Jewry. As such I should give my blessing to the new Knesset caucus set up last week by MK Yitzhak Pindrus for just such a purpose.

Alongside the blessings, it is worth paying attention whom the caucus represents, and to what degree it actually reflects the Diaspora. The leadership of World Mizrachi should be paying special attention, as Pindrus has a focused strategy that pushes him in direct competition with them.

Obviously the meeting was opened by the caucus chair and founder, MK Pindrus of United Torah Judaism. Following him was the acting chair of the Jewish Agency and chair of the World Zionist Organization, Yaakov Hagoel of the Likud. The other speaker to open the proceedings was Rabbi Pesach Lerner, who serves as the head of the Eretz Hakodesh faction in the WZO. Best described in his own words at the meeting, Eretz Hakodesh was formed to represent the interests of American Haredim.

Among the rest of those who spoke, it was almost exclusively Haredi, including prominent Orthodox and Haredi organizations: Aish Hatorah, Chabad, the Orthodox Union and the European Conference of Rabbis. A longer presentation was made by the Israeli representative of the American organization Am Echad. Although Am Echad promotes Jewish unity, it is better described as a proxy for Agudath Israel of America. Its cochairs are both prominent Agudath activists, one of whom is chair of the Agudath Israel of America and the other chair of the same in Los Angeles.

Leah Aharoni of Am Echad presented the basic case for the caucus – the growing importance of the Haredi community in the Diaspora in general and the US community in particular. She presented the now standard and oft-repeated claims of the pending disappearance of non-Orthodox Jewry, mainly due to assimilation and intermarriage. Having said that, Aharoni, quoting the Pew statistics – reaffirmed that Orthodox Jews in the US represent about 9% of the community, about half of whom are Haredi.

The streets of Williamsburg, Brooklyn, one of the Orthodox neighborhoods in New York City where COVID cases have increased recently, Sept. 23, 2020. Few people are wearing masks. (credit: DANIEL MORITZ-RABSON)

No doubt that it’s right for their voices to be heard, but no reason to overstate their prominence, notwithstanding the demographic predictions. Of course, it is true that the relative size of the different denominations will change. Basing himself off Pew research, Yale researcher Dr. Edial Pinker predicts that in 2063 Orthodox and Haredim will together form 29% of American Jewry, while Reform and Conservative affiliated Jews will be 39%, a reduction from 50% today. It is of course also fair to say that the intensity of the lived Jewish experience of the Orthodox and especially Haredi Jews in the Diaspora is meaningfully different, and in favor of the Orthodox. Having said this, it is reflected in the shift predicted. The demographic shifts, if they play out as predicted, will have an enormous internal effect on the American Jewish community, and still, fifty years from now, the largest part of the American Jewish community, will be liberal.

Why then should the caucus be a cause for concern for other factions in world Jewry?

It forms part of a coordinated strategy, at the center of which is Pindrus and the Haredi leadership in Israel. He is the lynchpin behind the creation of Eretz Hakodesh, and Am Echad, both of which are effective Haredi proxies – one to block the influence of the non-Orthodox streams of Judaism within the WZO and Jewish Agency, and the other to act as an effective lobbying arm for them in the Knesset. This is of course legitimate, but should not be confused with any wider desire to represent the interests of the Diaspora as a whole. While the majority of Diaspora Jewry seeks changes to state and religion in Israel, this new alliance is absolutely against this, while the majority of American Jews seek a place they can call their own at the Western Wall, Am Echad and Eretz Hakodesh are campaigning strongly in opposition.

This new interest in Diaspora politics will change the dynamics that have existed up until now. The group most threatened by this within the WZO and Jewish Agency are World Mizrachi. The presence at the caucus launch of both the Orthodox Union and Yeshiva University (the latter participating silently) should be of concern to the leaders of World Mizrachi. Both of these hugely important religious institutions have traditionally formed part of the Mizrachi coalition within the national institutions. A possible shift towards the Haredi faction could undermine their position. This may seem esoteric to many readers, but the shift will also affect the balance of power on issues of state and religion in Israel, where the Haredi hegemony over religious affairs is under threat from Religious Services Minister Matan Kahane, and allocations of major budgets for Zionist and religious Zionist education, in Israel and the Diaspora.

When Pindrus talks about Jewish unity, he has a very specific image in mind, one which is very different to the vast majority of Diaspora Jewry. While it should not, and cannot be ignored, it needs to be understood for what it is, an extension of Israeli haredi politics.

Daniel Goldman is Founding Partner of Goldrock Capital and Founder of The Institute for Jewish and Zionist Research. He is a businessman and social activist. He currently co-chairs the Coalition for Haredi Employment and is a former chair of Gesher and World Bnei Akiva.

曼蘇爾·阿巴斯的“猶太國家”重磅炸彈 - 意見

儘管他打破了以色列議會同齡人的長期傳統而值得稱讚，但讓我們記住，他是一位政治家，其議程超出了他在競選中吹捧的內容。

作者：露西·布魯姆

發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 23 日 19:40

本月早些時候，在拉馬甘 (Ramat Gan) 的 Kfar Maccabiah 簽署了聯盟協議後，人們看到了 Ra'am 黨的領導人曼蘇爾·阿巴斯 (MANSOUR ABBAS)。

（照片來源：AVSHALOM SASSONI/FLASH90）

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出於類似的原因，自 4 月以來，Ra'am（阿拉伯聯合酋長國名單）黨領袖曼蘇爾·阿巴斯第二次讓批評者和支持者的下巴幾乎難以置信。第一次是在他於 3 月 23 日舉行的最後一輪以色列議會選舉中取得成功之後。第二次發生在周二舉行的全球以色列商業會議上。

在某些方面，前者更具開創性。在以色列所有電視頻道用希伯來語現場直播的演講中，與穆斯林兄弟會有聯繫的伊斯蘭派系的領導人完成了兩項重大壯舉。一是宣布他打算通過與他國籍國的猶太人合作與共存來促進他選民的利益。另一個是省略對巴勒斯坦人的所有提及。

他於 4 月 1 日在拿撒勒發表講話，背景是伊斯蘭運動的綠色旗幟，而不是以色列國旗。但他引用了《古蘭經》中的一個和解段落，並宣布：“我，曼蘇爾·阿巴斯，伊斯蘭運動的成員，是一名自豪的阿拉伯和穆斯林，是以色列國的公民，領導著最大的政治運動。阿拉伯社會，勇敢地倡導和平、相互安全、夥伴關係和人民之間的寬容。”

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他對巴勒斯坦反對猶太國家的鬥爭缺乏慣常的口頭表達，同樣值得注意的是其新穎性。

在那次前所未有的展示中，我參加了一個由意識形態不同的專家組成的小組。與其在結束時進行激烈的辯論，我們都同意這是一個歷史性事件，無論它是否受到阿巴斯新確立的“造王者”地位的刺激——能夠讓聯盟支持一位總理或一位總理。其他。

2021 年 11 月 4 日，Ra'am 負責人 Mansour Abbas 在耶路撒冷以色列議會大會堂出席全體會議並就國家預算進行投票。（圖片來源：YONATAN SINDEL/FLASH 90）

幾個小時後，我的泡沫破滅了，我政治陣營中的憤世嫉俗者在社交媒體上取笑我太天真了。事實證明，僅僅四天前，阿巴斯用阿拉伯語向他的政黨成員發表了截然不同的言論。他向他們保證，Ra'am 代表“在‘nakba’（1948 年以色列建國的災難）中倖存下來的巴勒斯坦-阿拉伯社會”，該黨的目標是加強阿拉伯社會，作為“伊斯蘭阿拉伯國家。”

從那天晚上開始發生了很多事情。Ra'am 加入了由總理納夫塔利·貝內特 (Naftali Bennett) 領導的現任聯盟，計劃於 2023 年輪換，由外交部長亞伊爾·拉皮德 (Yair Lapid) 掌舵。與此同時，阿巴斯實現了一個關鍵目標：為阿拉伯部門獲得大筆資金。一周前，他在以色列議會的新聞發布會上說，2021 年國家預算中分配的 320 億新謝克爾（100 億美元）最終於 11 月 4 日獲得通過，他說：“以色列和阿拉伯社會有一個新議程. 我們正在承擔責任和主動[以]實施 Ra'am 的願景。”

他說他正在改變以色列的政治和社會，從現在開始，阿拉伯政黨成為政府成員將是很自然的事情。也許。

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但是，他不得不聘請私人保鏢來保護他免受阿拉伯公民的傷害，因為他發誓要將他的社區的立法工作置於伊斯蘭主義和巴勒斯坦激進主義之上，因此他們對他“出賣”給猶太復國主義者感到憤怒，這並非沒有道理。同上，以色列議會衛隊本月早些時候下令為他提供安全細節，因為他作為以色列執政聯盟的一員而受到生命威脅。

這並不是說他成為了猶太復國主義者，或者他的政黨在其目標上是一致的。相反，Ra'am MK Mazen Ghanaim 週一與伊斯蘭運動北部分支負責人、恐怖主義推動者 Sheikh Raed Saleh 進行了熱烈的會晤，他最近因煽動暴力而從監獄獲釋。

阿巴斯的自我主流化也沒有反映整個阿以態度差異很大。例如，聯合（阿拉伯）名單的議會席位比拉姆多，公開反對以色列的猶太人性格，捍衛巴勒斯坦人反對猶太國家的願望。

這讓我們看到了阿巴斯本週在特拉維夫舉行的 Globes 會議上投下的虛擬重磅炸彈，題為“以色列 100”。

在與第 12 頻道新聞評論員和納斯電台主任穆罕默德·馬加德利的一對一對話中，拉姆主席斷言：“以色列國誕生於一個猶太國家。那是人民的決定，問題不在於國家的身份。它以這種方式誕生，並將繼續保持下去。”

在回應馬加德利關於之前沒有阿拉伯MK說過這樣的話的評論時，阿巴斯回答說：“我參加了反對民族國家法的示威活動，我不想誤導任何人。問題是：“在以色列這個猶太國家，阿拉伯公民的地位是什麼？” 這就是問題所在。因此，現在的挑戰不僅是對曼蘇爾·阿巴斯 (Mansour Abbas) 而言，也對猶太公眾和猶太公民而言。”

他繼續說道：“我們 [阿拉伯人] 必須決定我們是否要參與有機會成功的運動——然後我們才能作為一個社會發展並繁榮，並成為一個有影響力的社會部門——或者我們希望處於孤立主義的立場，並在接下來的 100 年裡繼續談論所有這些事情。”

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即使在遭到阿拉伯以色列人和巴勒斯坦人的襲擊之後，阿巴斯 - 上個月告訴總部位於拿撒勒的 Kul al-Arab 報紙和新聞網站，“無論我們喜歡與否，以色列是一個猶太國家，我的中心目標是是定義該國阿拉伯公民的地位”——拒絕收回。事實上，他加倍了。

在 Facebook 上的一篇冗長帖子中，他重申了他在會議上所說的話，寫道阿拉伯人需要區分“願望和現實”，不要被“為所有公民建立一個國家”的口號所愚弄，即“就業”。在不告訴他們他們在談論以色列國的情況下利用人們的情緒。”

他強調說，事實是，“從法律和人口統計來看，以色列國是一個猶太國家。”

這些來自伊斯蘭黨領袖的話本身就很重要。他毫無歉意地、公開地和用阿拉伯語說出這些話，這使他不僅勇敢，而且可信。

希望他的選民不會是唯一厭倦了支持巴勒斯坦人同時放棄自己的城鎮進行幫派戰爭和槍支暴力的領導人的阿拉伯以色列人。利用其在議會中的席位破壞國家的阿拉伯立法者的支持者是否會轉變觀念，還有待觀察。事實上，時間會證明他是否是真正的潮流引領者。

儘管他打破了以色列議會同齡人的長期傳統而值得稱讚，但讓我們記住，他是一位政治家，其議程超出了他在競選活動中吹捧的議程。與他的聯盟夥伴的情況一樣，他不言而喻的野心可能表明自己並不令人欽佩。

Mansour Abbas’s ‘Jewish state’ bombshell - opinion

Though he deserves kudos for breaking with the longstanding tradition of his peers in the Knesset, let’s keep in mind that he’s a politician with an agenda beyond what he touted in his campaign.

By RUTHIE BLUM

Published: DECEMBER 23, 2021 19:40

MANSOUR ABBAS, head of the Ra’am Party, is seen after signing the coalition agreement, at Kfar Maccabiah in Ramat Gan, earlier this month.

(photo credit: AVSHALOM SASSONI/FLASH90)

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For the second time since April, Ra’am (United Arab List) Party leader Mansour Abbas has caused the jaws of critics and supporters alike to drop in near disbelief, for a similar reason. The first followed his success in the last round of Knesset elections on March 23. The second occurred at the Globes Israel Business Conference on Tuesday.

In some ways, the former was more groundbreaking. In a speech broadcast live in Hebrew on all of Israel’s TV channels, the head of the Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islamist faction performed two major feats. One was to declare his intention to further the interests of his constituents through cooperation and coexistence with the Jews in the country of his citizenship. The other was to omit all mention of the Palestinians.

He delivered the address on April 1 in Nazareth, with the green banner of the Islamic Movement, not the Israeli flag, as a backdrop. But he quoted a conciliatory passage from the Koran, and announced: “I, Mansour Abbas, a man of the Islamic Movement, am a proud Arab and Muslim, a citizen of the state of Israel, who heads the leading, biggest political movement in Arab society, courageously champion a vision of peace, mutual security, partnership and tolerance between the peoples.”

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His lack of customary lip service to the Palestinian struggle against the Jewish state was equally noteworthy for its novelty.

I WAS on a panel of ideologically diverse pundits during that unprecedented display. Rather than engage in heated debate when it was over, we all agreed that it was a historic event, regardless of whether it was spurred by Abbas’s newfound status as “kingmaker” – in a position to tip the coalition in favor of one prime minister or another.

Ra'am head Mansour Abbas attends a a plenum session and a vote on the state budget at the assembly hall of the Israeli parliament, in Jerusalem on November 4, 2021. (credit: YONATAN SINDEL/FLASH 90)

Within hours, my bubble was burst, and cynics in my political camp teased me on social media for having been so naïve. A mere four days earlier, it turned out, Abbas had made very different remarks in Arabic to members of his party. Ra’am, he assured them, is acting on behalf of “Palestinian-Arab society, which survived the ‘nakba’ [the catastrophe of Israel’s establishment in 1948],” and the party’s goal is to strengthen Arab society as part of the “Islamic Arab Nation.”

Much has happened since that night. Ra’am joined the current coalition, led by Prime Minister Naftali Bennett and scheduled for a rotation in 2023, with Foreign Minister Yair Lapid at the helm. Abbas, meanwhile, has accomplished one key aim: receiving large sums of money for the Arab sector. Taking credit for the NIS 32 billion ($10 billion) allocated in the 2021 state budget, which was finally passed on November 4, he said at a press conference at the Knesset a week earlier: “There is a new agenda for Israel and Arab society. We are taking the responsibility and initiative [to] implement Ra’am’s vision.”

He said that he was changing Israeli politics and society such that from now on, it will be natural for Arab parties to be members of the government. Perhaps.

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But it’s not for nothing that he had to hire private bodyguards to protect him from Arab citizens angry at him for “selling out” to the Zionists by vowing to place legislative work for his community above Islamism and Palestinian activism. Ditto regarding the Knesset Guard’s order earlier this month that he be provided with a security detail, due to threats on his life for being part of Israel’s governing coalition.

This is not to say that he’s become a Zionist or that his party is uniform in its objectives. On the contrary, Ra’am MK Mazen Ghanaim enjoyed a warm meeting on Monday with terrorist-promoter Sheikh Raed Saleh, head of the Northern Branch of the Islamic Movement, who was recently released from prison for inciting to violence.

Nor does Abbas’s self-mainstreaming reflect Arab-Israeli attitudes as a whole, which vary greatly. The Joint (Arab) List, for instance, which has a greater number of Knesset seats than Ra’am, openly opposes Israel’s Jewish character and defends Palestinian aspirations against the Jewish state.

WHICH BRINGS us to the virtual bombshell that Abbas dropped this week in Tel Aviv at the Globes conference, titled “Israel at 100.”

In a one-on-one conversation with Channel 12 News commentator and Nas Radio director Mohammad Magadli, the Ra’am chairman asserted: “The State of Israel was born as a Jewish state. That’s the people’s decision and the question is not about the identity of the state. It was born that way and that’s how it will remain.”

Responding to Magadli’s comment that no Arab MK has ever said such a thing before, Abbas replied: “I was at a demonstration against the Nation State Law, and I don’t want to mislead anyone. The question is: ‘What is the status of an Arab citizen in the Jewish state of Israel?’ That’s the question. So the challenge now is not just for Mansour Abbas, but for the Jewish public and the Jewish citizen.”

He continued: “We [Arabs] have to decide whether we want to engage in campaigns that have a chance of succeeding – and then we’ll be able to develop as a society and prosper, and be an influential sector of society – or whether we want to be in an isolationist position and continue to talk about all these things for another 100 years.”

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Even after being attacked by Arab Israelis and Palestinians across the spectrum, Abbas – who last month told the Nazareth-based Kul al-Arab newspaper and news site, “whether we like it or not, Israel is a Jewish state, and my central goal is to define the status of the country’s Arab citizens” – refused to retract. In fact, he doubled down.

In a lengthy post on Facebook, he reiterated what he had said at the conference, writing that Arabs need to distinguish between “desires and reality,” and not be fooled by the slogan “a state for all its citizens,” which is “employed to exploit people’s emotions without telling them that they’re talking about the state of Israel.”

The fact is, he emphasized, “legally and demographically, the State of Israel is a Jewish state.”

These words, from an Islamist party leader, are significant in and of themselves. That he uttered them unapologetically, publicly and in Arabic makes him not only courageous, but credible.

The hope is that his voters won’t be the only Arab Israelis weary of leaders championing the Palestinians while abandoning their own towns to gang wars and gun violence. It remains to be seen whether backers of Arab legislators, who use their seats in the Knesset to undermine the state, will undergo a shift in perception. Indeed, time will tell if he’s an actual trend-setter.

Though he deserves kudos for breaking with the longstanding tradition of his peers in the Knesset, let’s keep in mind that he’s a politician with an agenda beyond the one he touted in his election campaign. As is the case with his fellow coalition partners, it’s his unspoken ambitions that may reveal themselves as less than admirable.